Dr. D.C.Roy.
Culture is an integral part of human life. All knowingly or unknowingly belong and perform some culture or the other. An individual by virtue of his/her membership of a family, a society and a community inherits some culture which is given to him/her by the society. Each individual is a part of a particular culture in which he/she takes birth and brought up. Culture in a wider sense includes all that are given by one generation to another generation in the society such as knowledge, religious beliefs, laws, art, moral codes, customs, manners, literature, music, language etc. According to Taylor “culture is that complex whole which includes knowledge, belief, art, morals, law, customs and any other capabilities and habits acquired by man as a member of society.” Without entering into the debate about the definition of culture, we may just mention about the existence of implicit and explicit components of culture. Those items which can be known through eyes and ears are explicit while the implicit items can be perceived only by the trained persons. These are the motivations and impulses underlying human actions of which the actors themselves may not be conscious. Culture is a dynamic aspect and it undergoes a regular change may be very slowly but mainly through interaction.
Lepchas, the autochthonous tribe of the southern face of the Eastern Himalayas, live in Sikkim, Darjeeling district of West Bengal, Eastern Nepal and Western Bhutan since the bygone days. In course of time they came in contact with the Tibetans, Bhutias, Nepalese, Europeans and other communities from the plains of India. The original Lepcha culture not only came in contact with the alien culture but in course of time influenced by them. The undercurrent has its both implicit and explicit impact on the original Lepcha culture. The present article is an attempt to examine the impact of the dominant neighboring culture on the original Lepcha clan culture which they call Moo.
Lepchas are divided into a number of clans. They call their clan Pu –tso or Agit but it is popularly known as Moo among them. Lepcha society is casteless; there are no
Earlier version of the article was presented at the Workshop on Lepcha Language, Culture and Folklore organized by Eastern Regional Language Centre, Govt of India and Indigenous Lepcha Tribal Association, Kalimpong, from 17 and 20 May 2008.
upper or lower castes among them. There is no bar in marriage among the different Moos. The clan or Moo is an important component in the Lepcha social organization. Lepcha Moo is an extensive form of lineage constituted of blood relations. There are some unilineal types of small groups who are the relatives and linked in terms of blood.
Moo is a dyadic relation between person and person. In Lepcha society male Moo differs from female Moo and the genealogical relations among the Lepchas can better be shown with the help of Moo. Each Moo relates with particular ancestor and hence persons belonging to same Moo have some sort of relation among themselves, may be of very distance past. The same blood is running in the veins of the same Moo. Unlike the Hindu Gotra, the Lepcha Moo can not be changed even after marriage. Moo is obtained by birth and under no circumstances it can be changed. The girls carry their mother’s lineage while the boys carry their father’s lineage. Although Lepcha society is patriarchal but in case of Moo there is a peculiar blending of both patrilineal and matrilineal.
ORIGIN OF LEPCHA MOO:
As per Lepcha myth, Moo is connected with Kanchanjunga, the guardian deity of the Lepchas. It is believed that Lepchas originated from the snow of Mount Kanchanjunga. Each Moo originates from separate peak in the range and after death their soul returns to their original peak for rest. Each Moo is named after the name of the mountain peak (Chu) where there is also a lake (Da) just below the Chu. The number of Moo among the Lepchas is in proportion to the number of Chu and Da in Kanchanjunga range. On enquiry, however, it has been found that most of the Lepchas do not know their Da connected with their Moo. It has been claimed that all the peaks on the Kanchanjunga range have their Lepcha names which even the Geological Survey of India could not name them and identify them as per numerical number. Similarity between the names of Lepcha Moo and the peaks in Kanchanjunga range is the evidence of Lepcha territorial belongings in the region and confirms their aboriginality.
The Lepcha Moo has another mythological origin. A demon called ‘Laaso Moong Pano’ harassed, tormented, abused and terrorised the Lepchas beyond description. Fed up with his tyranny, the Lepchas prayed and prayed to their Itboo-Deboo, the Creator, for his help and assistance to get rid of Laaso Moong Pano. Itboo-Deboo sent his son, Tamsangthing, to destroy Laaso Moong Pano. At ‘Sukvyer Purtaam’, Faokraam Takram now known as Dzongu, Tamsangthing and his brave Lepchas finally slained Laaso Moong Pano.
The early brave Lepcha ancestors who fought against Laaso Moong Pano and performed various roles and acts during the war were bestowed with the following ten clans by Tamsangthing:
‘Munlaom Moo’-To those Lepchas who prayed to Itboo-Deboo to deliver the Lepchas from Laaso Moong Pano’s clutches.
‘Aaden Moo’- To those Lepchas who served the fighting Lepchas and Tamsangthing during the war.
‘Fayoong Talim Moo’ - To those Lepchas who made bows and arrows during the war.
‘Joriboo Moo’ - To those Lepchas who provided and supplied food and water to the fighting soldiers.
Kurwo Moo - To those Lepchas who prepared and made weapons like swords, axes etc to fight against the demon.
Bri Moo -To those Lepchas who prepared and made the strings for bows and bridges during the war.
Lutsaom Moo - To those Lepchas who checked if Laaso Moong Pano was really dead or alive.
Simick Moo - To those Lepchas who pierced the demon’s eyes and blinded him.
Soongngoot Moo - To those Lepchas who cut off and separated the demon’s head, hands and legs.
Sundyaang Moo - To those Lepchas who turned the whole body of slained demon into dust and blew it in the air.
The Lepcha traditional customary law is also known as ‘Rong Kati saa hrim’ meaning Lepchas’ ten customary law in Lepcha after the ten clans.
Lepcha Adivasi Ek Parichaya (in Hindi)
Pages 40 to 42. Pubished by the Indigenous Lepcha Tribal Association, HQ Kalimpong, 2005
Beside the above mythological origin of Moo, Lepchas classify Moo on the basis of geographical division over the Himalayan range where they reside. At present Lepchas are the residents of three countries: India, Nepal and Bhutan. On the basis of geographical area there are four different Moos found in the Lepcha society — Renjyong Moo, the inhabitants of Sikkim: Damsang Moo, the inhabitants of Kalimpong area: Illam Moo, those who live in Illam district of Nepal and Pro Moo, the inhabitants of Bhutan.
IMPORTANCE OF LEPCHA MOO :
Lepcha lineage is a consanguineal kin groups that traces common descent through known ancestors. Lepcha lineage is of two types – patrilineal and matrilineal. Theoretically matrilineal clan follows from all the offspring of one woman. All the sisters and brothers of the woman become the member of the same clan. In case of patrilineal clan, the man and his children both son and daughter are included. But the Lepcha clan is sharply different from the theoretical form of either matrilineal or patrilineal type. Lepcha girl child gets her mother’s Moo while male child gets his father’s Moo. Lepcha male Moos are different from those of the females. This is perhaps peculiar in the Lepcha society. Lepcha Moo is sex linked and unilineal in character. Within its patriarchal structure, Lepcha society got a peculiar mixture of both patrilineal and matrilineal character. Each lineage pattern is peculiar to the Lepchas where both the sexes could retain their identity in the society. Lepcha society gives equal honour, respect, importance and value to the female Moo along with that of the male Moo.
Moo is very significant and touchy for the Lepchas. They feel proud of carrying their ancestral Moo. Moo is used by the Boongthing and Mun, the priests and priestess, during any offerings to the Nature. Any Lepcha ritual starts with Chi Faat where the Boongthing or Mun offers Chi to the Almighty by citing the Moo of the worshipper. After offering Chi to Fodongthing and Nazaongnyo, the primogenitor of the Lepchas, the Boongthing or the Mun offers Chi to the ancestors of each Moo.
Moo is widely used at the time of marriage. Starting from the selection of the bride/groom, Peeboo, the go between, uses Moo at every stage of Lepcha marriage. A boy can not marry a girl belonging to his mother’s Moo while girls can not marry the boy of his father’s Moo. From the viewpoint of origin of family, Lepcha society consists of non consanguineous family structure where marriage between blood relations is forbidden. The taboo of intra Moo marriage is strictly followed by most of the Lepchas.
As per Lepcha custom, son receives his father’s property while daughter gets her mother’s property. Traditionally land is owned by the male members of the society while the movable properties are possessed by the females. The movable assets like jewellary etc which a girl receives during marriage are to be handed over to the girl child. Girls inherit the landed property of their mother. Moo has its crucial role over the transfer of properties and it is sex linked.
Lepchas so long commonly use ‘Lepcha’ as their surname but recently there is a tendency among the educated Lepchas to use their Moo as their surname eg. Passang Tshering Simik Moo, Lyangsong Tamsang etc. Females usually use ‘Lepcha’ as their surname but there are a few exceptions e.g. Shera Pandi Munlaom Moo etc. where Moo has become a marker of identification of both their clan and community.
During Tungbaong Faat, the Lepcha naming ceremony, the Boongthing or Mun, the Lepcha priest or priestess, confers Moo to the newly born baby. A male child inherits his father’s Moo while the girl child that of her mother. Accordingly the child also gets Chu, Mountain Deity; Da, lake and Lep ,the entrance or the door needed after death.
In recent times the concept of sex linked Moo is preserved and maintained mainly by the Buddhist Lepchas. Religious conversion makes Moo useless in their day to day life and hence a sort of confusion and misunderstanding arises among the Christian Lepchas. As Moo has no use in their socio – cultural activities, Christians Lepchas have started forgetting their Moo to a large extent. Inter community marriage to a large extent is responsible in using even the father’s Moo by the girl child. The confusion, inconsistent, misunderstanding and misleading concept and use of Lepcha Moo is due to the followings:
i). Acculturation and modernization curtailed the activities of both Boongthing and Mun who are the main user of Lepcha Moo in the traditional culture and custom.
ii). Religious conversion and consequent use of alien religion restrict the use of Moo among the Lepchas. Buddhism particularly those of Mahayana group to a large extent liberal and allows the Lepchas to follow their traditional culture and both Lama and Boongthing take part in most religious functions. But Christianity is Church oriented activity where Boongthing has absolutely no role to play. Moo, thus, lost all its social and religious value to the Christians.
iii). Inter tribe marriage creates a sort of confusion in using Moo among the Lepchas. In case the mother is non-Lepcha, the girl child has no alternate but to use her father’s Moo which is not permitted. By marrying a non-Lepcha boy, the Lepcha girl is denied her authority in transmitting her female Moo to her daughter. There is no existence of female Moo in any other society and the bride has to convert herself and compel to accept the male clan of the patriarchal society where she become a member.
iv). Many illiterate and ignorant Lepchas do not pass on their Moo among the future generations. There is no system of keeping any record of Moo in the Lepcha society. It is fully verbal and orally transmitted from generation to generation.
v). Presence of good number of unmarried boys and girls crossing the marital age is another limiting factor responsible for not transmitting Lepcha Moo to their posteriors.
THE STUDY AREA :
The present study is based on primary data collected from four Lepcha dominated villages under Kalimpong subdivision, the stronghold of the Lepchas in Darjeeling district of West Bengal. Villages were chosen on the basis of proximity to the town and religious faith.
Moo is considered to be more important for the females than to the males. In spite of the entry of large number of non–Lepcha girls in the Lepcha family through inter community marriage and religious conversion of the Lepchas from their original nature worshipper, females even today are preserving the Lepcha tradition of carrying female Moo. In their patriarchal form of society, Lepcha girls with their mother’s Moo enter and stay in the new environment and the village. Naturally the number of female Moo in any village is more than that of the male Moo. Marriage of a boy adds the possibility of increasing the number of female Moo in the village. Male Moo can be increased only by the entry of new member in the village by constructing new house which is almost nil in any village. For the last twenty five years there is no record of sale and purchase of Lepcha land in our study area. Land changes hand by dividing among the family members. It is customary that Lepcha land is in the name of the male members of the family. Boys receive their father’s landed properties while girls get their mother’s movable properties like jewellaries etc. Thus the number of male Moo is more or less constant in any village while the number of female Moo can increase. The following table-1 has been prepared to show the sex – wise distribution of Moo as a percentage of their population in our study area.
Table – 1
Sex – wise Distribution of Moo as a Percentage of their Population and Households.
Type of Moo Moo per Households
YEAR Female Male Total Female Male Total
Mani 27 9 36 0.96 0.32 1.28
Gumba (36.99) (14.06) (26.28)
12 11 23 0.35 0.33 0.68
Tashiding (13.95) (12.50) (13.22)
13 9 22 0.50 0.35 0.85
Khamdung (22.41) (12.50) (16.92)
31 18 49 0.48 0.28 0.76
Lower Beyong (16.76) (9.47) (13.07)
83 47 130 0.54 0.31 0.85
Total (20.65) (11.35) (15.93)
Source: Field Survey.
Table 1 shows that the number of female Moo as proportion to their population is more than the corresponding figure for the male Moo in all the villages separately and also as a whole. The proportion of female Moo compared to their population is the highest in Mani Gumba (36.77 per ecnt) followed by Khamdung (22.42 per cent). It may be noted that both the villages are dominated by the Buddhists Lepchas who use Boongthing and Mun in their day to day socio- religious activities. Buddhist dominated villages are the preserver and user of Lepcha Moo in general and female Moo in particular.
On the average, Moo per household is 0.85. It is the highest in Mani Gumba (1.28 per cent), followed by Khandung (0.85 per cent); Lower Beyong (0.76 per cent) and Tashiding (0.68 per cent). Each household individually possesses at least two Moo — one each for female and male. Marriage helps in increasing the number of female Moo in each family while number of male Moo remains the same. Lower variety of male Moo pulls their average figure per household less than that for female Moo. .
The above table also reveals that female Moo per household is more than male Moo in all the villages. It is highest in Mani Gumba (0.96 per cent), followed by Khamdung (0.58), Lower Beyong (0.48 per cent) and Tashiding (0.35 per cent).The study area reveals highly about the position of women in the Lepcha society.
Table-2 has been prepared to show details about the variety and strength of Lepcha Moo in our study area. It has been noted that female Moo is 1.77 times more than the male Moo. In Mani Gumba it is three times more than the male Moo. Female Moo is more spread over households than the male Moo. As Much as 57 households possess only one female while such number for the male Moo is only 19.This means that females are genealogically linked only within a particular family and least matrilineal relation with other members within the village. They enter the village through marriage. The male Moo is more confined while the female Moo is more spread among the large number of households. These confined male Moos are the original inhabitants of the village.
Table-2 reveals that there are very few common Moos present both among the males and females in the four study villages. But their variety is much more in case of female moo. There is hardly any similarity in female Moo between any two villages. In each village not only the number of female Moo is much more than male Moo but it is more diverse and peculiar than that of the male Moo.
It has been noted that a large number of female Moo falls under the items - not known, not given and non Lepcha. The largest number in this category is with Tashiding village followed by Lower Beyong. Between the two, the first village is dominated by the Christians and the second one is inhabited by mixed religious group. It may further be noted that even in Christian village, all the male members have their own Moo but the exception is with the female Moo. There is a provision of conferring and gifting Moo to the newly wedded non-Lepcha bride among the Buddhist Lepchas. The system is known as Aali Oom where the Boongthing or Mun or any competent elder person confers the gifting of Moo ceremony. The ceremony has two parts: firstly the non-Lepcha bride needs to be adopted as daughter by any elderly women of the village and then she should gift her Moo to the adopted daughter.
One of the matters of great concern in the Lepcha culture in respect of their Moo is their practice of inter-community marriage. By marrying a non-Lepcha girl, a Lepcha family deprives the new born girl child to acquire a female Moo which is possessed only by a female Lepcha. In such cases the girl either acquires her father’s Moo (which violates Lepcha tradition) or she remains without any Moo (which blocks passing of Lepcha Moo to the next generations and makes the child unidentified). In the event of marrying a non-Lepcha boy, a Lepcha girl had to leave the Lepcha society and becomes the member of her husband’s family where there is no custom of Lepcha female Moo. She becomes the last individual to carry her mother’s Moo. In the process female Moo is vanishing from the Lepcha society. Thus both types of inter-community marriage (Lepcha girls marrying non-Lepcha boys and Lepcha boys marrying non-Lepcha girls) slowly but steadily has their adverse effect on the Lepcha Moo. The trend of inter-community marriage in the Lepcha society has been noticed as early as 1840 by A. Campbell, Esq. Superintendent of Darjeeling. He wrote “The Lepchas intermarry with the Limboos and Bhotiahs, and the offspring of such unions become members of the father’s tribe, without any disqualification whatever.” The trend of inter-community marriage has been shown in table-3.
Table- 3 shows that out of 285 marriages recorded in our study areas 32. 98 per cent are inter- community marriage where 34.04 per cent Lepcha girls are marrying non-Lepcha boys while the percentage of Lepcha boys marrying non-Lepcha girls is as high as 65.96. In both the cases, the percentages for the Christians are higher than those of the Buddhists.
Table – 3
Inter-community marriage in the Lepcha society.
Lepcha girls marrying non- Lepcha boys marrying non- T O T A L
Lepcha boys Lepcha girls
Village Buddhist Christians Total Buddhist Christians Total Buddhist Christians Total
Mani 5 1 6 9 — 9 14 1 15
Gumba (83.33) (16.67) (100.00) (100.00) (100.00) (93.33) (6.67) (100.00)
1 10 11 3 23 26 4 33 37
Tashiding (9.09)(90.91) (100.00) (11.54) (88.46) (100.00) (10.81) (89.19) (100.00) 2 3 5 11 2 13 13 5 18
Khamdung (40.00) (60.00) (100.00) (84.62) (15.38) (100.00) (72.22) (27.78) (100.00)
Lower 6 4 10 7 7 14 13 11 24
Beyong (60.00) (40.00) (100.00) (50.00) (50.00) (100.00) (54.17) (45.83) (100.00)
14 18 32 30 32 62 44 50 94
Total (43.75) (56.25) (100.00) (48.39) (51.61) (100.00) (46.81) (53.19) (100.00)
(Source: Field Survey).
Among four Lepcha dominated study villages, although the Christians (53.19 per cent) are more prone towards inter-community marriage but their percentage for the Buddhists (46.81) is also not negligible. Anyway, this trend is dangerous from the viewpoint of maintaining and preserving Lepcha Moo.Lepchas possess not only a traditional and old culture but it is rich and abundant with high valued elements. Some explicit elements of Lepcha culture are distinct and scientifically designed. Moo is one such element which not only upholds the rich Lepcha culture but preserves the dignity and high status of individual separately for the male and female members. Lepcha Moo, thus, upholds the distinct and prestigious position of female in the society. It is a step towards gender equality. By linking Moo with the peak (Chu) in Kanchanjunga range, Lepchas teach the fellow person to love, respect and worship the environment. Taboo in marrying within the same Moo helps in preventing genetic diseases, deformity and mental depression in the Lepcha society.
Such a scientifically designed and orderly maintained Lepcha Moo has been passing through severe crisis due to its interaction with the neighbouring dominant class. Modernization and its impact on change in religion, belief, faith, custom, moral codes, etc. have their direct bearing on the Lepcha Moo. Inter-community marriage and religious conversions are the two major forces damaging the days old prestigious institution of Moo. As early as 1875 Mainwaring has noted the change and remarked “the advent of the Europeans was the real blow the Lepchas received; their downfall quickly followed” (G.B. Mainwaring: 1875: xii). Recently the Indigenous Lepcha Tribal Association has taken some right steps in reviving and flourishing Lepcha Moo among themselves. It is hoped that all the Lepchas irrespective of their religious faith should come forward in saving, protecting, maintaining and preserving their days old scientifically designed and formulated Moo in their rich cultural domain.
Table – 2
DETAILS OF LEPCHA MOO IN STUDY AREA.
A; Name of the village: Mani Gumba
Sl FEMALE MOO Sl MALE MOO
No Name of Moo Popu- House No Name of Moo Popu- House
lation holds lation holds
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8
1 Bri Moo 3 2 1 Goulook Moo 23 10
2 Chong Moo 3 1 2 Haoloong Moo 21 8
3 Phaokli Moo 2 1 3 Lyaang Moo 3 1
4 Git Malaom Moo 2 1 4 Naamchu Moo 4 3
5 Jamyaong Moo 1 1 5 Naani Moo 2 1
6 Ling TaongMoo 3 3 6 Fyaongdi Moo 5 2
7 Lichong Moo 1 1 7 Shyaor Moo 1 1
8 Mi- Simik Moo 4 1 8 Simik Moo 1 1
9 Malaom Moo 5 4 9 Taarjaok 2 1
Pasaong Moo
10 Maongmi Moo 2 1 10
11 Maongbyo Moo 2 1 11
12 Nani Moo 1 1 12
13 Fyaongdye Moo 1 1 13
14 RaongloMoo 3 1 14
15 Sada Moo 3 1 15
16 SaongMoo 1 1 16
17 Shyer Moo 6 3 17
18 Saompa Moo 4 3 18
19 Sandyang Moo 2 1 19
20 Shyer Faokli Moo 3 1 20
21 Shing Saong Moo 1 1 21
22 Simik Moo 1 1 22
23 Song Moo Mong Moo 1 1 23
24 Soomoot Moo 4 2 24
25 Savyet Moo 1 1 25
26 Yari Moo 2 1 26
27 Yung Moo 1 1 27
28 Not Known 2 28
29 Not Given 5 29
30 Non Lepcha 3 30
31 TOTAL 73 38 31 TOTAL 62 28
B; Name of the village: Tashiding Busty
Sl FEMALE MOO Sl MALE MOO
No Name of Moo Popu- House No Name of Moo Popu- House
lation holds lation holds
1 2 5 6 7 8
1 Aadyen Moo 3 1 1 Fonyoong 3 2
Rungsaong Moo
2 Ethan Moo 2 1 2 Joriboo Moo 9 4
3 Fee Moo 2 1 3 Karthaak Moo 5 2
4 Jori Boo Moo 2 1 4 Naamchu Moo 3 1
5 Molo Mayeng Moo 2 2 5 Sadaa Moo 34 12
6 Malaom Moo 2 1 6 Sungtim Moo 11 4
7 Naamchu Moo 1 1 7 Saongtyen Moo 4 1
8 Somoot Moo 2 1 8 Taaraang Moo 3 1
9 Tamsang Moo 2 2 9 Tingboo Moo 7 1
10 Taamsaang Pajyeng 3 1 10 Tookoo Chao Moo 2 11
11 Tingboo Moo 2 1 11 Yaagen Moo 2 1
12 Sinthi Moo 2 1 12
13 Not Known 45 — 13 Not Known 1 —
14 Not Given 7 — 14 Not Given — —
15 Non Lepcha 9 — 15 Non Lepcha 4 —
16 TOTAL 86 14 16 TOTAL 88 40
C:Name of the village: Khamdung.
l FEMALE MOO Sl MALE MOO
No Name of Moo Popu- House No Name of Moo Popu- House
lation holds lation holds
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8
1 Arampucho Moo 1 1 1 Fyung Moo 2 1
2 Ethan Moo 1 1 2 Fonyoong Rung-
saong Moo 2 1
3 Emsaong Moo 4 1 3 Malaom Moo 4 2
4 Lik Moo 3 1 4 Naamchu Moo 16 4
5 Malaom Moo 12 7 5 Phepon Moo 5 2
6 Naom Gye Chu Moo 2 1 6 Sambo Moo 5 4
7 Naamchu Moo 2 1 7 Shyok Moo 24 8
8 Pothyaang Moo 2 1 8 Tingboo Moo 3 1
9 Sadaa Moo 3 1 9 Yung Moo 11 5
10 Sandyang Moo 2 1 10
11 Simik Moo 5 2 11
12 Shyok Moo 1 1 12
13 Sungoot Moo 1 1 13
14 Not Known — 14
15 Not Given 8 15
16 Non Lepcha 11 16
17 TOTAL 58 20 17 TOTAL 72 28
D: Name of the village: Lower Beyong. FEMALE MOO Sl MALE MOO
No Name of Moo Popu- House No Name of Moo Popu- House
lation holds lation holds
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8
1 Aeri Moo 14 5 1 Bri Moo 4 4
2 Bri Moo 4 3 2 Fodaong Moo 2 1
3 Brisaong Moo 2 1 3 Genyaong Moo 2 1
4 Chaong Moo 9 2 4 Gangtok Moo 10 3
5 Chaong Yaoksaom Moo 3 1 5 Goulook Moo 19 7
6 Feng Moo 2 1 6 Kaabo Moo 10 3
7 Faokli Moo 1 1 7 Looyi Moo 46 14
8 Golook Moo 1 1 8 Malaom Moo 22 13
9 Keng Moo 1 1 9 Numfock Moo 3 1
10 Keyaonggri Yukcho Moo 1 1 10 Sadaa Moo 9 3
11 Koorook Moo 7 1 11 Saongmaa Moo 6 2
12 Munsaong Moo 3 1 12 Sungdyaang Moo 1 1
13 Naamchu Moo 1 1 13 Sheraa Moo 1 1
14 Naomfaok Moo 1 1 14 Sambar Moo 1 1
15 Naomfaok Kooraok Moo 6 4 15 Taamsaang Moo 9 3
16 Piting Moo 2 1 16 Tihitaong Moo 36 10
17 Remoonaong Moo 4 2 17 Tingboo Moo 3 2
18 Raongding 2 1 18 Tangee Taam Moo 6 4
Sungdyaang Moo
19 Saompa Moo 9 3
20 Sambar Gen Moo 15 4
21 Shara Moo 6 2
22 Saongmoo Sheemoo 16 7
23 Sheymoo Yemoo 10 2
24 Simik Moo 8 4
25 Soongoot Moo 6 3
26 TaamsaangPajyeng 3 2
27 Taakmaan Moo 1 1
28 Tingboo Moo 7 2
29 Tinggro Moo 6 2
30 Tihitong Moo 5 2
31 Not Known 1 —
32 Not Given 13 —
33 Non Lepcha 15 —
34 TOTAL 185 63 TOTAL 190 74
Source: Field Survey.
Monday, June 28, 2010
THE LEPCHA ANCESTRAL FLAG
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COLOUR
The color red: depicts blood which signifies life
and strength. As long as Blood flows
inside the body it is a duty for each and every Lepcha to guard nature as Lord “Eetboo-deyboo Rum” created
us from the nature itself.
The color white:
signifies Peace
EMBLEM
The top of the outer
circle of the emblem consists of a Lepcha word ...mutnuic…MUTANCHE
written
in Lepcha script, which means mothers loved ones, it is a metaphoric expression of Mt Kanchenjunga.
The bottom of the
outer circle consist of a Lepcha word …Aachule… “ACHULAY” in Lepcha
script, Achulay is in three parts Aa-Chu-Lay
1) “Aa” means Aa-eet
which means a Lepcha is born or created .The first Lepcha man ‘Fudongthing’ and
the first Lepcha woman ‘Nuzongnyoo’ were created by the “Lord Eetboo-deyboo Rum”, from the
snow of Mt Kanchanjunga and settled them down in Mayel Kyong a place which was
a paradise for the immortal Lepchas. Due to disobedience to God, the creator
sent them down to Longku Kukyot (Nine floors below Mayel Kyong) at Fokramtakram,
the base of Kingchoomzaongboo i.e. Mount Kanchenjunga. Their off springs are
the present day Lepchas. Lepcha is a nick name given by the later settlers.
Lepchas call themselves “Rum–Kups’, Rum means God and Kup means Child or else
Children of God.
2) “Chu”
signifies the place of origin of the Lepcha Clan. Each clan of the Lepchas has
its own originating mountain peak in the Himalaya known as CHU, which
symbolizes life.
3) “Lay–ep”, the door that leads a person after death to
“Poomju” (source). The Lepchas are ignorant and have no concept of heaven or
hell, but believed that after death their souls return to the Chu, to join the
ancestors through a passage or an entrance door called Layep. They all look up
to Mt. Kanchanjunga as the beginning and life after death, in short, “Aachulay”
means cycle of birth, life in this world and the life with the ancestors.
The symbol of paddy straw …azAaig…“ZOAAGI”in the two sides of the outer
circle represents the borders of Mayel-lyang which was extended from the
Himalayas to Titaliaya now in Bangladesh, in the south, metaphorically
identifying the plains.
The symbol
of the Mountain in the inner circle
of the emblem represents the…XokcNecU…Mt Kanchanjunga where our progenitors
originated, and where the souls of our ancestors rest.
The bird in the emblem is called okahmaf ‘Kohaom
Fo’, in
Lepcha language it is a hill partridge.
It is a
symbol of dedication, perseverance, loyalty, honesty, wisdom and an assurance
that the Lepchas will never fade away from this world.
Mythology reveals
that in the ancient days Mayel-lyang was flooded with water where only a few
could be saved, the ones who were saved went up to a particular Mountain peak
called the “Tondgrong Chu” ( Mt. Tendong) which
is in South-west Sikkim in the present day and in this utter desperate
moment the partridge ‘Kohaom Fo’, appeared at
the scene and sprinkled the ‘Chi’, the holy drink of the Lepchas. Miraculously,
the water started to subside slowly and thus the Lepchas, animals, birds,
insects etc. who took shelter on top of Mt.Tendong, were
saved from drowning. Mayel Lyang became dry. Trees and plants started to grow
and this region was, once again, re-populated by the Lepchas.
fluttering symbol of significance SUKMOT
UN SUKDUM SA DEP
LEPCHAS : THEN AND NOW
Dr. D. C. Roy.
The original inhabitants of the Eastern Himalayas call themselves ‘Mutanchi Rong Kup Rum Kup’ or in short ‘Rong’. But they are popularly known as ‘Lepcha’ in the outside world. Mayel Lyang was their original homeland. At present they spread and are the citizens of three countries: India, Nepal and Bhutan. Most of the Lepchas now are concentrated in Darjeeling District of West Bengal and in the North district of Sikkim.
The article aims at examining, in short, the changes which occurred and affected the Lepchas of Darjeeling District over the last four hundred years or so.
Name: The endoethnonym of the tribe is ‘Mutanchi Rong Kup Rum Kup’ which literally means ‘the son of the snowy peak or the son of God’. The name has been derived as per the source of the origin of the tribe. It is believed that God has created Fudong Thing and Nazaong Nyoo, the first Lepcha male and female out of the virgin snow of Mt. Kanchanjunga. As the primogenitors of the tribe have been created out of snow of the mountain, the tribe rightly named themselves as ‘son of snowy peak’ and as God created them, they correctly identified themselves as ‘son of God’. Their short name ‘Rong’ means ‘the divine folk’ or ‘peak’ is also associated with their source of origin.
But in course of time the beautiful tribe name has been corrupted and spelled differently before it takes the present form, ‘Lepcha’. Some say that it is derived from the Nepali word “Lapche’ means ‘vile speaker’ or ‘Lapcha’ means ‘mild and submissive people’. It might have also been derived from their own word ‘Lap-cho’ means ‘place of worship’ or ‘place to take rest’. During the British rule the word ‘Lap-cho’ or ‘Lap-che’ has been anglicized as ‘Lepcha’.
The beautiful and divinely ordained name of the tribe has been corrupted at different stages before it takes the present form ‘Lepcha’. The outsiders have snatched their original name and now they are forced to accept the name given by others.
Land: Lepchas called their land ‘Nye Mayel Renjyaong Lyang’ or in short ‘Mayel Lyang’ which means the ‘Land of Hidden Paradise’ or ‘Delightful Region or Abode’. Their land was spread over a vast area in the Eastern Himalayan region where they used to move and lived as free sons of the soil. Although the boundary was not fixed like today but from the existing literature it can be said that in the north the Lepchas lost Chumbi Valley to Tibet and Thang La to Bhutan. In the east they lost the entire boundary to Bhutan. In the west Lepcha land was spread up to Tamor river, Arun river and Koshi river which they lost to Nepal. The southern vast area had been shared by Nepal, Bangladesh, West Bengal and Bihar. In a word, all neighbouring countries and states have expanded their territories at the cost of Lepchas Mayel Lyang.
At present the Lepchas are residing in the State of Sikkim and in the Darjeeling District of West Bengal. Due to the rearrangement of their land some Lepchas are still found in the eastern part of Nepal and in the western part of Bhutan. The spread of Lepchas over the three countries is not due to their migratory character but due to the political shuffling of the old Lepcha kingdom by the respective countries. The important Treaties, Agreements, which are responsible for the loss of Lepcha land are : Blood Brotherhood Treaty of 13th Century; Bhutan War of 1700; Gorkha War of 1791; Segauli Treaty of 1815; Treaty of Titalia of 1817; Darjeeling Grant of 1835; Treaty of Tumlong of 1861; Treaty of Sinchula of 1865; British – China Convention of 1890. But except Blood Brotherhood Treaty Lepchas were either involved or ever been made a party to any of the agreements by which their land was handed over to the third party.
Lepchas not only lost their old land but ironically they now became citizens of three different countries; India, Nepal and Bhutan. Now, they are treated differently in different countries; even within India, they are not all equally treated in Darjeeling and Sikkim.
Rule: History witnesses a number of rulers in Mayel Lyang whom the Lepchas call ‘Pano’ or king. Among them Tarvey Pano reigned during 1420 AD followed by his successors Tur-Sang Pano, Tur- Ageng Pano, and Tur- Ayek Pano. In Sikkim Namgyal dynasty was started through a Blood Brotherhood Treaty agreed by Khye-Bumsa, the Tibetan leader with The-Kung Tek, the Lepcha leader. Bhutan occupied the Damsang area (present day Kalimpong) by killing the last Lepcha king Gaeboo Achyok Pano. During Tibetan rule, Lepchas could hold some palace based aristocratic leaderships like Dzongpen and Kazi. In fact, Lepchas were the facilitators of Tibetan rule in the old day Sikkim. Beside some strong Lepcha personalities like Tasso Bidur, Chagzot or Satrajeet, Bolek, Gaebo Achyok and others who occasionally attempted some unsuccessful revolt and tried to re-establish the Lepcha rule in Mayel Lyang, the common Lepchas were found to remain as the simple subject and are ruled by others.
Democracy is the rule of majority. Under Indian democratic system neither in Darjeeling nor in Sikkim, Lepchas, now, are in such majority to enjoy the power in policy making and executing. In Nepal and Bhutan their existence has never been recognized.
Population: In the early days before the Tibetans came and settled in these places, Lepchas were the only inhabitants in these areas. They not only enjoyed the vast land which spread all over the southern part of the Eastern Himalayas but themselves were the rulers of their land and people. There were absolutely no other communities other than the Lepchas in this mountainous part of the world.
It is true that Lepcha population is very low from the very beginning. When British came in Darjeeling area they found the land was absolutely inhabited by the Lepchas. On 1st February 1835 when Darjeeling was handed over to East India Company by the Sikkim Puttee Rajah “there was a collection of 20 huts with a population of 100 souls” (Dozey, 1916: P – 48). When Kalimpong was annexed by the British from Bhutanese in 1865, it had a population of 1200 souls. Although there was no specification of Lepchas but it can be inferred that population was composed of aboriginal Lepchas who were in majority and some Bhutias from Bhutan who were engaged in administration or business.
Now the area has become multi-ethnic and cosmopolitan where large numbers of immigrants are from the neighbouring countries of Nepal and Tibet and many others from the plains of India. The story of out numbering the Lepchas in their own homeland has started with the immigration of Tibetans from Tibet in the 13th Century and which continued until the mid twentieth century when China occupied Tibet. The situation was aggravated with the merging of Darjeeling with East India Company in 1835 where large number of Nepalese also came to settle, and Sikkim with independent India in 1975. In the process slowly the Lepchas have become minority and comprise very negligible proportion of the total population of the area. Now, the Lepchas comprise around 2.00 per cent of total population in Darjeeling District and around 7.00 per cent in the State of Sikkim.
Religion: Lepcha religion is known as Mun-Boongthimism. Lepchas are very religious minded. From cradle to grave they call Boongthing and Mun, priest and priestess, to perform their rituals and beliefs. There is no restriction on becoming a priest and anybody can act as mediator between the common Lepchas and the God but the person should have perfect knowledge about Lepcha religion and should have full command on their language. Daily Lepcha life is full of rituals. At birth of a baby, the family and the society celebrate with rituals. Thereafter during naming ceremony, marriage ceremony, death and all other occasions, the Lepchas have their typical rituals. It is only the Mun who can place the soul of the dead person in the lap of Kanchanjunga to meet their ancestors for eternal rest. The Lepchas believe in spirits whom they need to satisfy during house construction, farming, plucking of first fruit, hunting etc. Lepchas believe that diseases are due to sinister eye of the evil spirits and whom they need to praise with proper presents and prayers. Beside the individual rituals, the society also performs some rituals which are mainly organized by the Indigenous Lepcha Tribal Association, Headquarters Kalimpong. All the Lepcha rituals are specific, typical and nature friendly.
The role and position of Mun and Boongthing make the Lepcha religion distinct and unique. Within its broad spectrum of nature worshipper, the role and prestige of Mun, the priestess, kept the Lepcha society high even in the modern world of gender inequality. Some religious beliefs and practices, like Muk-Zek-Ding Rum Faat , Tendong Lho Rum Faat, Lyang Rum Faat,Chyoo Rum Faat, Sakyoo Ram Faat aim at balancing ecology and in true sense Lepchas become the real worshippers of nature. Folk-tale and folk-lore identify and associate Lepchas with the region and the locality. Boongthing and Mun with their vast knowledge about the herbal medicine of the locality are the bare footed medicine man and woman of the Lepchas and they serve the society without expecting any direct return. This simple nature lover, over the period of time, has converted either into Buddhism or into Christianity. Recent census documents show that none of the Lepchas, at present, are nature worshipers. Conversion into Buddhism started with the advent of Tibetan rulers in greater Sikkim in the Seventeenth Century. For the smooth functioning of their rule, the first thing which the rulers did was to bring all the subjects under the same religious faith. Conversion into Christianity started after the British occupied the Darjeeling tract from Sikkim Raja during mid nineteenth century. Taking the advantage of mass poverty, illiteracy, ignorance and poor health condition, the Christian Missionaries converted large number of Lepchas into Christianity. As per 1981 census 57.11 per cent Lepchas of West Bengal are Buddhists while 35.70 per cent are Christians and the rest are Hindus. Loss of Lepcha religion in their own homeland and conversion into alien religious faith is a matter of great concern for the Lepchas. The institution of Mun-Boongthimism which the Lepchas cherished and preserved for long has been broken into pieces and the relics of them can be found only among the Buddhist Lepchas who along with the Buddhist Lama call Mon or Boongthing for performing their traditional rituals.
Education: During the pre-British period as such there was no system of formal education in this area for any community in general and for the Lepchas in particular. But they were the master of the land and the nature. They were botanists and zoologists par excellence and acquired knowledge of the nature by experience and practice. What the Lepchas used to learn was either to enrich themselves with the knowledge of their surroundings or to acquire religious knowledge from the monasteries. The Gazetteer of Darjeeling states: “The earliest attempt to reach modern secular education to the Hill people was made around A.D. 1850 by Rev. W.Start, a private missionary, who added to his record of good work in Darjeeling by opening a school for Lepchas. After him came a band of German missionaries, one of whom, Mr Neibel, devoted himself specially to school work, prepared some Lepcha primers and gathered some boys together into schools” (1980: P- 479).
But within two decades, all the Lepchas medium schools have converted either into English or Nepali medium schools and the Lepcha language lost all its existence in the school curriculum. In Sikkim, Lepcha language has been introducced as a medium of instruction up to the Degree Level. But the Lepchas on the other part of the hill are debarred from getting any scope of learning their mother tongue. It may be noted that a good number of alien languages like English, Nepali, Hindi, Bengali, Tibetan, Dzonkha, Chinese, Khasi, Mizo etc are being taught in the different ICSE, CBSE, State Board Schools. At present under the guidance and initiative of the Indigenous Lepcha Tribal Association, Headquarters Kalimpong,about forty Night Schools have undertaken a massive task of extending education to the Lepchas in their mother tongue. But this can not continue for long without direct support from the state.
Language and Literature: Language is the distinct identity of any community. Lepchas have their own language, literature and script. Finding the richness of Lepcha language, Mainwaring commented “in the structure of the Lepcha language, I have discovered the system on which, I consider, all language is based” (P-xx). Without entering into the controversy about the origin of the Lepcha script, it can be said that “it is the most comprehensive and beautiful one, it is the oldest language extent and is unquestionably far anterior to the Hebrew or Sanskrit (Mainwaring, 1876: P – xx). Lepcha language falls under Tibeto-Burman branch of the Sino-Tibetan speech family. The Grierson’s Linguistic Survey of India (1909) placed Lepcha in the category of non-pronominalised group of Himalayan language. Be whatever it may, Lepcha language is a distinct and rich language of the Eastern Himalayan region. Without entering into the controversial views of its invention, we can just say that it was the Buddhist Missionaries led by Namgyal Kings who took initiative in spreading the Lepcha script for the purpose of writing the Namthar. The Christian missionaries were the first to print the Lepcha script in 1845 and devised the Lepcha fount for printing Bible. Lepcha language was the official and Court language of Darjeeling during the early phase of British rule. The gift of Darjeeling Grant, 1835 was written in Lepcha language with the official Royal Seal of Maharaja of Sikkim at the top of the document. It is reported that during Tibetan rule all the Lepcha manuscripts and documents were burnt to ashes near Gazing in East Sikkim. The heat of the fire was so much so that it created a crack on the stoneSuch a rich and prestigious language without enriching the Indian language treasure is, now, going to vanish due to absolute negligence of the government. During the British rule, the Lepcha language was taught in the schools and also used in administrative purposes. But slowly other foreign languages have taken the place of the Lepcha language and the Lepchas have lost their fundamental right to educate themselves in their mother tongue. The Indigenous Lepcha Tribal Association, Headquarters Kalimpong, has taken the trouble of compiling, collecting, editing and writing the study materials up to 12th standard for the students of Darjeeling district. In Sikkim under the government patronage, Lepcha language is being taught up to graduation level. But the students of Darjeeling are debarred from availing such facilities. At present under the guidance and initiative of the Indigenous Lepcha Tribal Association, Headdquarters Kalimpong about forty Night Schools have undertaken a massive task of extending education to the Lepchas in their mother tongue. But this can not continue for long without direct support from the State.
Marriage: Lepcha marriage is race endogamous and ‘moo’ exogamous. Lepcha society is casteless but clan based. There is no restriction on marriage within the tribe but not within the same moo. Strictly, a Lepcha boy cannot marry a Lepcha girl of his father’s and mother’s moo and the girl cannot marry the boy of her father’s and mother’s moo. Lepchas generally follow five generation gap in case of identical moo. The Pee-boo and the Byeakboo, the go between, on girl’s side and boy’s side respectively, play typical and crucial role in the Lepcha marriage. The existence of bride price and other marriage customs place the girls in comparatively higher position in the Lepcha society. Boys should approach first for girls’ hand and should satisfy the parents of the bride with customary Myaok Panol, the different official presents. Customarily it takes seven long years to complete the seven different stages in Lepcha marriage. Marriage among the Lepchas is considered not only as binding the two opposite sexes together but it binds two different families, clans and villages. There are no specific mantras for marriage but the representatives of both the parties should know the traditional Lepcha customs, oath-taking rituals including the origin of Lepcha marriage, the story of Tarbongthing and Naripnom, the love story of Teesta and Rangit etc. It is an occasion where the traditional customs and culture are practised and reminds the Lepchas that they are the distinct race of the region.
The race endogamous marriage started during the Tibetan rule when a good number of Tibetan elites including some kings preferred to marry Lepcha girls and established matrimonial relations with the original tribes which facilitated their rule in the region. The process still continues where all the communities settled here including the Europeans either attracted by the beauty of the Lepcha girls or motivated and guided by their self interest married the Lepcha girls. A good number of Lepcha boys also got married with the non-Lepcha girls. This inter-community marriage damaged the very essence of Lepcha culture and customs and a small community like the Lepchas can not withstand such damage. The loss of a girl from the community is a permanent loss of female moo which is very scarce and rare among the Lepchas. The incoming of non-Lepcha girl in Lepcha family not only obstructs the transfer of moo from mother to daughter but creates complications in preserving language traditional culture and customs. Through inter community marriage Lepchas lost their land. Inter community marriage can be identified as one of the single most damaging factor of the Lepcha society.
Moo: Lepcha society is casteless but it is clan based. They call their clan as Moo which is very touchy and important in their day to day life. Lepcha moo is an extensive form of lineage constituted of blood relations. In Lepcha society, male moo differs from female moo which is very special for the Lepchas. Girls carry their mothers’ moo while son inherits his father’s moo. Moo can only be acquired through birth and under no circumstances it can either be obtained or lost. Existence of sex-based moo makes the Lepcha society a peculiar blending of patrilineal and matrilineal type. Lepcha moo is sex linked and unilineal in character. Lepcha moo is very significant and useful in their day to day life. In any offerings Lepchas are linked with the spirit world through moo. Lepcha marriage is moo exogamous. A boy can not marry a girl belonging to his mother’s or father’s moo while a girl cannot marry a boy of her father’s or mother’s moo. Marriage within the blood relations is strictly forbidden and any violation may cause the birth of deformed child. Moo is useful in case of land transfer. Lepchas now-a-days are very sensitive and like to preserve the land within their same moo. Lepcha land is moo linked and is uni-directional. Recently, there is a trend of using moo as surname.
Two things are responsible in causing damage to Lepcha moo: religious conversion and inter-community marriage. Lepchas have converted either into Buddhism or Christianity. The gap between Buddhism and the Mun-Boongthimism is much narrower where in most cases the Lama and the Boongthing co-exist in performing rituals. There is a unique synthesis between the two flexible religions: Mahayana Buddhism and Mun-Boongthimsm. The Christianity, on the other hand, is very rigid and there is absolutely no place for the Boongthing or Mun and everything is church based where the Pastor or the Church Father do all rituals. Moo is absolutely of no use to the Christian Lepchas while the Buddhist Lepchas are the preservers of their moo. The inter-community marriage is another damaging force in using and preserving Lepcha moo. Some female moos have lost permanently due to the marriage of Lepcha girls out side the community. It creates confusion in transmitting moo to the girl child where the mother is non-Lepcha and in most cases the girls are found to use their father’s moo which violates Lepcha tradition.
Dress: Lepchas have their unique, colourful dresses of their own. From bygone days Lepchas have separate dress for the males and females. Lepchas used to weave their dress at home with the help of locally available cotton.
Lepcha male dress is known as ‘Dumpraa’ which can be used as garment during day time and as blanket at night. Their shirt is loose with high neck at back and slightly open part in the front. The Lepcha trousers is three quarter and it can reach between knee and ankle. Lepchas never used shoes in olden days but now-a-days they put on shoes of any type after purchasing it from the market. A bag hanging from the shoulder is a typical marker of Lepcha identity. The Lepcha hat is another distinct identity. The round hat is decorated with bird’s feather or tail. Banpok, a short knife, is kept at the waist hanging in wood or bamboo sheathe is another typical dress ornament of the Lepchas.
Lepcha female dress, known as ‘Dum-dem’, is worn by covering the body criss-crossing just below neck. It is a long dress which covers the whole body up to the feet. Females use long sleeve loose blouse inside the Dum-dem. Both Dum-dem and Tago, the blouse, are plain in colour. Dum-dem is normally light coloured while Tago is red. Females do not use multi-coloured dress like the males. Normally a small white coloured scarf is used to cover the head. Baan-hoor, small sickle, is kept at the back to protect them from animals and enemies. Lepcha women are fond of ornaments including necklace, rings, bangles etc.
In the contemporary period, Lepcha dress has become very ornamental and they use it only occasionally. Lepchas could not protect themselves from the wave of modernization where media and the neighbouring community influence them in replacing their traditional dress. The fashion and the wave of western culture have swept the Lepchas so much so that it is hard to get a complete Lepcha dress in many villages. Even Banpok, a very essential day to day article, is hardly found with them. Some Buddhist Lepchas posses their typical dress and wear them during rituals and ceremonies. The Mun and Boongthing are the preservers of Lepcha culture and in all occasions wear their colourful dress. They also encourage and entertain others to wear their traditional dress.
Architecture: Lepchas are good architects. Lepcha architecture is reflected in the construction of their house, cane bridge and fort.
Lepcha house, known as Rong-Lee, is the symbol of their identity. It is an example of high class Lepcha engineering skill and ability. Rong-Lee is both earthquake proof and flood proof. All the pillars of the house stand on big flat stones and no iron nails are used for the gigantic construction. The wooden beams are inserted through one another in a criss-cross way. The thatched roof is air conditioned and protects the dwellers from severe cold. All locally available materials like wood, thatch, bamboo, cane are used for the construction of Rong-Lee. The house is environmental friendly and is an example of rich traditional culture of the Lepchas.
Cane bridge, Ru-saom, is another finest documents of Lepcha art. The Eastern Himalayan region is full of small and large sized rivers, streams and only the bridge can connect the people of both sides. In early days when there was no iron suspension or concrete bridge like today, Lepchas constructed cane bridge with cane and bamboo which were available locally. Such bridge was very light but one could carry around 50 kg of load. Two trees on opposite banks of river were used as pillars on which the bridge used to hang. Expert, knowledgeable person in association with the archers and able bodied Lepchas gather on the auspicious day to construct the bridge.
Examples of Lepcha fine art can be available from their folk-lore of Earthen Tower whose relics are demanded to be found even today in Tallaom Purtam in Western Sikkim. Forts constructed by Lepcha kings in different parts of Mayel Lyang are evidences of their high quality architectural skill. Lepchas possess the skill of weaving and making their dress articles like Daam-praa, Dum-dem, bag, hat, cap, Ban-pok, Ban-hoor etc with the locally available materials. They were craftsmen par excellence and possessed environmental friendly high quality engineering and architectural skill. Their knowledge was indigenous and acquired by experience.
Now-a-days it is difficult to differentiate Lepcha houses from those of other houses. The well to do families construct the concrete houses using cement, brick,, iron etc while the poor families use wood, corrugated tin, thatch, bamboo for house construction. It is true that Ronglee needs huge wood and thatch which are costly and unavailable but in the process the Lepchas lost their days old architectural skill. Thirty five Lepcha traditional houses only are found in the Kalimpong Sub-Division. Modern iron suspension and concrete or wooden bridge have replaced most of traditional Lepcha cane bridge. Cane bridge is an example of Lepcha fine art and their indigenous knowledge of engineering.
Songs and Music: Another area of Lepcha identity is their distinct music and songs where they use indigenous musical instruments - Tungbuk, Satsung, Palit-Kent and Puntaong Palit. Tunes of the Lepcha songs are mostly derived from the hymn or chanting of the Mun and Boongthing. ‘Apryaa-Vom’, the spontaneous, impromptu, natural and on the spot song of the Lepchas is very special. To recognize their special character and to encourage the community the Government of India has awarded Lapon S.T.Lepcha and Renue Hildamit Lepcha with Sangeet Natak Academy Award in 1996 and 2008. Lapon S.T.Lepcha was the first Lepcha to receive the prestigious Padma Shri Award in 2006 for his untiring effort in preserving, spreading and protecting traditional Lepcha culture and custom. Anyway, the themes of most of the Lepcha songs are mainly based on their culture, tradition and nature which include birth of the child, marriage, death, returning soul to the Lap of Kanchanjunga and other natural surroundings.
In modern days the Lepchas could not keep themselves free from the influence of the electronic media and the western musical culture. Now, it is very hard to differentiate Lepcha songs from those of the others. The musical part of most songs is the total imitation of either mainland Indian style or European style. Songs are music based where themes although are brought from Lepcha tradition but are neglected. The music and tune misguided and puzzled the listeners.
Epilogue: The Lepchas, once the sons of the soil, have lost all their influence over the land and community. The lords of soil become landless and daily wage earners. They not only lost Mayel Lyang but in course of time become citizens of three countries: India, Nepal and Bhutan. They are now the negligible minority in all three countries. Lepchas have completely converted from their nature worshipper to either Buddhism or Christianity. Religious conversion is responsible in creating all round change in Lepcha society. Christianity has created a wider gap between the past and the present than the Buddhism. The role and importance of Mun, Boongthing, Peeboo and other traditional Lepcha personalities are getting some respect and are used by the Buddhists. Lepchas now got some formal education but in the process they forget their own language, literature and script. They lost their old skill of weaving their own dress; constructing house, Cane Bridge; making ban-pok, ornaments and all they need in their life.
The Indigenous Lepcha Tribal Association, Headquarters Kalimpong, is trying hard in preserving and protecting their culture, custom, tradition, religion, moo, language and literature. It has taken some extraordinary steps in opening and guiding forty Lepcha Night Schools to disseminate their language, literature, culture, custom, values to young generations. The Association organizes and celebrates a number of Lepcha festivals like Muk Zek Ding Rum Faat, Tendong Lho Rum Faat , Chyoo Rum Faat, Sakyoo Rum Faat and Birth Anniversary of Pano Gaeboo Achyok. Different Seminars, Conferences, Workshops organized by the Association help in inculcating the sense of awareness among the common Lepchas. The Lepcha Language Board not only educates the common Lepchas about their language and literature but also conducts examination and issues Certificate to the successful candidates.
The revival trend initiated by the Indigenous Lepcha Tribal Association, Headquarters Kalimpong, is praiseworthy and is revolutionary in the Lepcha history. It is a challanging and demanding task and its success depends upon the involvement of all the Lepchas: young and old, man and woman, rich and poor, literate and illiterate, rural and urban and ultimately Buddhists and Christians. The loss of Lepcha land, religion, culture, custom, language, literature can be regained and preserved by the Lepchas themselves. It absolutely rests on the Lepchas whether they are going to maintain their distinct identity for themselves and for posterity or prefer to merge with other dominant culture. Now, the revival process is on; the Indigenous Lepcha Tribal Association, Headquarters Kalimpong, is trying hard to its best; the government should get involved with due share; but it is ultimately the common Lepchas who through their active involvement and sense of belonging can only pull the community and remove their day’s old blame of ‘Dying Race’ and prove that they should no more be identified as ‘Vanishing Tribe’ but as the most ‘Flourishing Tribe’ of the region.
The original inhabitants of the Eastern Himalayas call themselves ‘Mutanchi Rong Kup Rum Kup’ or in short ‘Rong’. But they are popularly known as ‘Lepcha’ in the outside world. Mayel Lyang was their original homeland. At present they spread and are the citizens of three countries: India, Nepal and Bhutan. Most of the Lepchas now are concentrated in Darjeeling District of West Bengal and in the North district of Sikkim.
The article aims at examining, in short, the changes which occurred and affected the Lepchas of Darjeeling District over the last four hundred years or so.
Name: The endoethnonym of the tribe is ‘Mutanchi Rong Kup Rum Kup’ which literally means ‘the son of the snowy peak or the son of God’. The name has been derived as per the source of the origin of the tribe. It is believed that God has created Fudong Thing and Nazaong Nyoo, the first Lepcha male and female out of the virgin snow of Mt. Kanchanjunga. As the primogenitors of the tribe have been created out of snow of the mountain, the tribe rightly named themselves as ‘son of snowy peak’ and as God created them, they correctly identified themselves as ‘son of God’. Their short name ‘Rong’ means ‘the divine folk’ or ‘peak’ is also associated with their source of origin.
But in course of time the beautiful tribe name has been corrupted and spelled differently before it takes the present form, ‘Lepcha’. Some say that it is derived from the Nepali word “Lapche’ means ‘vile speaker’ or ‘Lapcha’ means ‘mild and submissive people’. It might have also been derived from their own word ‘Lap-cho’ means ‘place of worship’ or ‘place to take rest’. During the British rule the word ‘Lap-cho’ or ‘Lap-che’ has been anglicized as ‘Lepcha’.
The beautiful and divinely ordained name of the tribe has been corrupted at different stages before it takes the present form ‘Lepcha’. The outsiders have snatched their original name and now they are forced to accept the name given by others.
Land: Lepchas called their land ‘Nye Mayel Renjyaong Lyang’ or in short ‘Mayel Lyang’ which means the ‘Land of Hidden Paradise’ or ‘Delightful Region or Abode’. Their land was spread over a vast area in the Eastern Himalayan region where they used to move and lived as free sons of the soil. Although the boundary was not fixed like today but from the existing literature it can be said that in the north the Lepchas lost Chumbi Valley to Tibet and Thang La to Bhutan. In the east they lost the entire boundary to Bhutan. In the west Lepcha land was spread up to Tamor river, Arun river and Koshi river which they lost to Nepal. The southern vast area had been shared by Nepal, Bangladesh, West Bengal and Bihar. In a word, all neighbouring countries and states have expanded their territories at the cost of Lepchas Mayel Lyang.
At present the Lepchas are residing in the State of Sikkim and in the Darjeeling District of West Bengal. Due to the rearrangement of their land some Lepchas are still found in the eastern part of Nepal and in the western part of Bhutan. The spread of Lepchas over the three countries is not due to their migratory character but due to the political shuffling of the old Lepcha kingdom by the respective countries. The important Treaties, Agreements, which are responsible for the loss of Lepcha land are : Blood Brotherhood Treaty of 13th Century; Bhutan War of 1700; Gorkha War of 1791; Segauli Treaty of 1815; Treaty of Titalia of 1817; Darjeeling Grant of 1835; Treaty of Tumlong of 1861; Treaty of Sinchula of 1865; British – China Convention of 1890. But except Blood Brotherhood Treaty Lepchas were either involved or ever been made a party to any of the agreements by which their land was handed over to the third party.
Lepchas not only lost their old land but ironically they now became citizens of three different countries; India, Nepal and Bhutan. Now, they are treated differently in different countries; even within India, they are not all equally treated in Darjeeling and Sikkim.
Rule: History witnesses a number of rulers in Mayel Lyang whom the Lepchas call ‘Pano’ or king. Among them Tarvey Pano reigned during 1420 AD followed by his successors Tur-Sang Pano, Tur- Ageng Pano, and Tur- Ayek Pano. In Sikkim Namgyal dynasty was started through a Blood Brotherhood Treaty agreed by Khye-Bumsa, the Tibetan leader with The-Kung Tek, the Lepcha leader. Bhutan occupied the Damsang area (present day Kalimpong) by killing the last Lepcha king Gaeboo Achyok Pano. During Tibetan rule, Lepchas could hold some palace based aristocratic leaderships like Dzongpen and Kazi. In fact, Lepchas were the facilitators of Tibetan rule in the old day Sikkim. Beside some strong Lepcha personalities like Tasso Bidur, Chagzot or Satrajeet, Bolek, Gaebo Achyok and others who occasionally attempted some unsuccessful revolt and tried to re-establish the Lepcha rule in Mayel Lyang, the common Lepchas were found to remain as the simple subject and are ruled by others.
Democracy is the rule of majority. Under Indian democratic system neither in Darjeeling nor in Sikkim, Lepchas, now, are in such majority to enjoy the power in policy making and executing. In Nepal and Bhutan their existence has never been recognized.
Population: In the early days before the Tibetans came and settled in these places, Lepchas were the only inhabitants in these areas. They not only enjoyed the vast land which spread all over the southern part of the Eastern Himalayas but themselves were the rulers of their land and people. There were absolutely no other communities other than the Lepchas in this mountainous part of the world.
It is true that Lepcha population is very low from the very beginning. When British came in Darjeeling area they found the land was absolutely inhabited by the Lepchas. On 1st February 1835 when Darjeeling was handed over to East India Company by the Sikkim Puttee Rajah “there was a collection of 20 huts with a population of 100 souls” (Dozey, 1916: P – 48). When Kalimpong was annexed by the British from Bhutanese in 1865, it had a population of 1200 souls. Although there was no specification of Lepchas but it can be inferred that population was composed of aboriginal Lepchas who were in majority and some Bhutias from Bhutan who were engaged in administration or business.
Now the area has become multi-ethnic and cosmopolitan where large numbers of immigrants are from the neighbouring countries of Nepal and Tibet and many others from the plains of India. The story of out numbering the Lepchas in their own homeland has started with the immigration of Tibetans from Tibet in the 13th Century and which continued until the mid twentieth century when China occupied Tibet. The situation was aggravated with the merging of Darjeeling with East India Company in 1835 where large number of Nepalese also came to settle, and Sikkim with independent India in 1975. In the process slowly the Lepchas have become minority and comprise very negligible proportion of the total population of the area. Now, the Lepchas comprise around 2.00 per cent of total population in Darjeeling District and around 7.00 per cent in the State of Sikkim.
Religion: Lepcha religion is known as Mun-Boongthimism. Lepchas are very religious minded. From cradle to grave they call Boongthing and Mun, priest and priestess, to perform their rituals and beliefs. There is no restriction on becoming a priest and anybody can act as mediator between the common Lepchas and the God but the person should have perfect knowledge about Lepcha religion and should have full command on their language. Daily Lepcha life is full of rituals. At birth of a baby, the family and the society celebrate with rituals. Thereafter during naming ceremony, marriage ceremony, death and all other occasions, the Lepchas have their typical rituals. It is only the Mun who can place the soul of the dead person in the lap of Kanchanjunga to meet their ancestors for eternal rest. The Lepchas believe in spirits whom they need to satisfy during house construction, farming, plucking of first fruit, hunting etc. Lepchas believe that diseases are due to sinister eye of the evil spirits and whom they need to praise with proper presents and prayers. Beside the individual rituals, the society also performs some rituals which are mainly organized by the Indigenous Lepcha Tribal Association, Headquarters Kalimpong. All the Lepcha rituals are specific, typical and nature friendly.
The role and position of Mun and Boongthing make the Lepcha religion distinct and unique. Within its broad spectrum of nature worshipper, the role and prestige of Mun, the priestess, kept the Lepcha society high even in the modern world of gender inequality. Some religious beliefs and practices, like Muk-Zek-Ding Rum Faat , Tendong Lho Rum Faat, Lyang Rum Faat,Chyoo Rum Faat, Sakyoo Ram Faat aim at balancing ecology and in true sense Lepchas become the real worshippers of nature. Folk-tale and folk-lore identify and associate Lepchas with the region and the locality. Boongthing and Mun with their vast knowledge about the herbal medicine of the locality are the bare footed medicine man and woman of the Lepchas and they serve the society without expecting any direct return. This simple nature lover, over the period of time, has converted either into Buddhism or into Christianity. Recent census documents show that none of the Lepchas, at present, are nature worshipers. Conversion into Buddhism started with the advent of Tibetan rulers in greater Sikkim in the Seventeenth Century. For the smooth functioning of their rule, the first thing which the rulers did was to bring all the subjects under the same religious faith. Conversion into Christianity started after the British occupied the Darjeeling tract from Sikkim Raja during mid nineteenth century. Taking the advantage of mass poverty, illiteracy, ignorance and poor health condition, the Christian Missionaries converted large number of Lepchas into Christianity. As per 1981 census 57.11 per cent Lepchas of West Bengal are Buddhists while 35.70 per cent are Christians and the rest are Hindus. Loss of Lepcha religion in their own homeland and conversion into alien religious faith is a matter of great concern for the Lepchas. The institution of Mun-Boongthimism which the Lepchas cherished and preserved for long has been broken into pieces and the relics of them can be found only among the Buddhist Lepchas who along with the Buddhist Lama call Mon or Boongthing for performing their traditional rituals.
Education: During the pre-British period as such there was no system of formal education in this area for any community in general and for the Lepchas in particular. But they were the master of the land and the nature. They were botanists and zoologists par excellence and acquired knowledge of the nature by experience and practice. What the Lepchas used to learn was either to enrich themselves with the knowledge of their surroundings or to acquire religious knowledge from the monasteries. The Gazetteer of Darjeeling states: “The earliest attempt to reach modern secular education to the Hill people was made around A.D. 1850 by Rev. W.Start, a private missionary, who added to his record of good work in Darjeeling by opening a school for Lepchas. After him came a band of German missionaries, one of whom, Mr Neibel, devoted himself specially to school work, prepared some Lepcha primers and gathered some boys together into schools” (1980: P- 479).
But within two decades, all the Lepchas medium schools have converted either into English or Nepali medium schools and the Lepcha language lost all its existence in the school curriculum. In Sikkim, Lepcha language has been introducced as a medium of instruction up to the Degree Level. But the Lepchas on the other part of the hill are debarred from getting any scope of learning their mother tongue. It may be noted that a good number of alien languages like English, Nepali, Hindi, Bengali, Tibetan, Dzonkha, Chinese, Khasi, Mizo etc are being taught in the different ICSE, CBSE, State Board Schools. At present under the guidance and initiative of the Indigenous Lepcha Tribal Association, Headquarters Kalimpong,about forty Night Schools have undertaken a massive task of extending education to the Lepchas in their mother tongue. But this can not continue for long without direct support from the state.
Language and Literature: Language is the distinct identity of any community. Lepchas have their own language, literature and script. Finding the richness of Lepcha language, Mainwaring commented “in the structure of the Lepcha language, I have discovered the system on which, I consider, all language is based” (P-xx). Without entering into the controversy about the origin of the Lepcha script, it can be said that “it is the most comprehensive and beautiful one, it is the oldest language extent and is unquestionably far anterior to the Hebrew or Sanskrit (Mainwaring, 1876: P – xx). Lepcha language falls under Tibeto-Burman branch of the Sino-Tibetan speech family. The Grierson’s Linguistic Survey of India (1909) placed Lepcha in the category of non-pronominalised group of Himalayan language. Be whatever it may, Lepcha language is a distinct and rich language of the Eastern Himalayan region. Without entering into the controversial views of its invention, we can just say that it was the Buddhist Missionaries led by Namgyal Kings who took initiative in spreading the Lepcha script for the purpose of writing the Namthar. The Christian missionaries were the first to print the Lepcha script in 1845 and devised the Lepcha fount for printing Bible. Lepcha language was the official and Court language of Darjeeling during the early phase of British rule. The gift of Darjeeling Grant, 1835 was written in Lepcha language with the official Royal Seal of Maharaja of Sikkim at the top of the document. It is reported that during Tibetan rule all the Lepcha manuscripts and documents were burnt to ashes near Gazing in East Sikkim. The heat of the fire was so much so that it created a crack on the stoneSuch a rich and prestigious language without enriching the Indian language treasure is, now, going to vanish due to absolute negligence of the government. During the British rule, the Lepcha language was taught in the schools and also used in administrative purposes. But slowly other foreign languages have taken the place of the Lepcha language and the Lepchas have lost their fundamental right to educate themselves in their mother tongue. The Indigenous Lepcha Tribal Association, Headquarters Kalimpong, has taken the trouble of compiling, collecting, editing and writing the study materials up to 12th standard for the students of Darjeeling district. In Sikkim under the government patronage, Lepcha language is being taught up to graduation level. But the students of Darjeeling are debarred from availing such facilities. At present under the guidance and initiative of the Indigenous Lepcha Tribal Association, Headdquarters Kalimpong about forty Night Schools have undertaken a massive task of extending education to the Lepchas in their mother tongue. But this can not continue for long without direct support from the State.
Marriage: Lepcha marriage is race endogamous and ‘moo’ exogamous. Lepcha society is casteless but clan based. There is no restriction on marriage within the tribe but not within the same moo. Strictly, a Lepcha boy cannot marry a Lepcha girl of his father’s and mother’s moo and the girl cannot marry the boy of her father’s and mother’s moo. Lepchas generally follow five generation gap in case of identical moo. The Pee-boo and the Byeakboo, the go between, on girl’s side and boy’s side respectively, play typical and crucial role in the Lepcha marriage. The existence of bride price and other marriage customs place the girls in comparatively higher position in the Lepcha society. Boys should approach first for girls’ hand and should satisfy the parents of the bride with customary Myaok Panol, the different official presents. Customarily it takes seven long years to complete the seven different stages in Lepcha marriage. Marriage among the Lepchas is considered not only as binding the two opposite sexes together but it binds two different families, clans and villages. There are no specific mantras for marriage but the representatives of both the parties should know the traditional Lepcha customs, oath-taking rituals including the origin of Lepcha marriage, the story of Tarbongthing and Naripnom, the love story of Teesta and Rangit etc. It is an occasion where the traditional customs and culture are practised and reminds the Lepchas that they are the distinct race of the region.
The race endogamous marriage started during the Tibetan rule when a good number of Tibetan elites including some kings preferred to marry Lepcha girls and established matrimonial relations with the original tribes which facilitated their rule in the region. The process still continues where all the communities settled here including the Europeans either attracted by the beauty of the Lepcha girls or motivated and guided by their self interest married the Lepcha girls. A good number of Lepcha boys also got married with the non-Lepcha girls. This inter-community marriage damaged the very essence of Lepcha culture and customs and a small community like the Lepchas can not withstand such damage. The loss of a girl from the community is a permanent loss of female moo which is very scarce and rare among the Lepchas. The incoming of non-Lepcha girl in Lepcha family not only obstructs the transfer of moo from mother to daughter but creates complications in preserving language traditional culture and customs. Through inter community marriage Lepchas lost their land. Inter community marriage can be identified as one of the single most damaging factor of the Lepcha society.
Moo: Lepcha society is casteless but it is clan based. They call their clan as Moo which is very touchy and important in their day to day life. Lepcha moo is an extensive form of lineage constituted of blood relations. In Lepcha society, male moo differs from female moo which is very special for the Lepchas. Girls carry their mothers’ moo while son inherits his father’s moo. Moo can only be acquired through birth and under no circumstances it can either be obtained or lost. Existence of sex-based moo makes the Lepcha society a peculiar blending of patrilineal and matrilineal type. Lepcha moo is sex linked and unilineal in character. Lepcha moo is very significant and useful in their day to day life. In any offerings Lepchas are linked with the spirit world through moo. Lepcha marriage is moo exogamous. A boy can not marry a girl belonging to his mother’s or father’s moo while a girl cannot marry a boy of her father’s or mother’s moo. Marriage within the blood relations is strictly forbidden and any violation may cause the birth of deformed child. Moo is useful in case of land transfer. Lepchas now-a-days are very sensitive and like to preserve the land within their same moo. Lepcha land is moo linked and is uni-directional. Recently, there is a trend of using moo as surname.
Two things are responsible in causing damage to Lepcha moo: religious conversion and inter-community marriage. Lepchas have converted either into Buddhism or Christianity. The gap between Buddhism and the Mun-Boongthimism is much narrower where in most cases the Lama and the Boongthing co-exist in performing rituals. There is a unique synthesis between the two flexible religions: Mahayana Buddhism and Mun-Boongthimsm. The Christianity, on the other hand, is very rigid and there is absolutely no place for the Boongthing or Mun and everything is church based where the Pastor or the Church Father do all rituals. Moo is absolutely of no use to the Christian Lepchas while the Buddhist Lepchas are the preservers of their moo. The inter-community marriage is another damaging force in using and preserving Lepcha moo. Some female moos have lost permanently due to the marriage of Lepcha girls out side the community. It creates confusion in transmitting moo to the girl child where the mother is non-Lepcha and in most cases the girls are found to use their father’s moo which violates Lepcha tradition.
Dress: Lepchas have their unique, colourful dresses of their own. From bygone days Lepchas have separate dress for the males and females. Lepchas used to weave their dress at home with the help of locally available cotton.
Lepcha male dress is known as ‘Dumpraa’ which can be used as garment during day time and as blanket at night. Their shirt is loose with high neck at back and slightly open part in the front. The Lepcha trousers is three quarter and it can reach between knee and ankle. Lepchas never used shoes in olden days but now-a-days they put on shoes of any type after purchasing it from the market. A bag hanging from the shoulder is a typical marker of Lepcha identity. The Lepcha hat is another distinct identity. The round hat is decorated with bird’s feather or tail. Banpok, a short knife, is kept at the waist hanging in wood or bamboo sheathe is another typical dress ornament of the Lepchas.
Lepcha female dress, known as ‘Dum-dem’, is worn by covering the body criss-crossing just below neck. It is a long dress which covers the whole body up to the feet. Females use long sleeve loose blouse inside the Dum-dem. Both Dum-dem and Tago, the blouse, are plain in colour. Dum-dem is normally light coloured while Tago is red. Females do not use multi-coloured dress like the males. Normally a small white coloured scarf is used to cover the head. Baan-hoor, small sickle, is kept at the back to protect them from animals and enemies. Lepcha women are fond of ornaments including necklace, rings, bangles etc.
In the contemporary period, Lepcha dress has become very ornamental and they use it only occasionally. Lepchas could not protect themselves from the wave of modernization where media and the neighbouring community influence them in replacing their traditional dress. The fashion and the wave of western culture have swept the Lepchas so much so that it is hard to get a complete Lepcha dress in many villages. Even Banpok, a very essential day to day article, is hardly found with them. Some Buddhist Lepchas posses their typical dress and wear them during rituals and ceremonies. The Mun and Boongthing are the preservers of Lepcha culture and in all occasions wear their colourful dress. They also encourage and entertain others to wear their traditional dress.
Architecture: Lepchas are good architects. Lepcha architecture is reflected in the construction of their house, cane bridge and fort.
Lepcha house, known as Rong-Lee, is the symbol of their identity. It is an example of high class Lepcha engineering skill and ability. Rong-Lee is both earthquake proof and flood proof. All the pillars of the house stand on big flat stones and no iron nails are used for the gigantic construction. The wooden beams are inserted through one another in a criss-cross way. The thatched roof is air conditioned and protects the dwellers from severe cold. All locally available materials like wood, thatch, bamboo, cane are used for the construction of Rong-Lee. The house is environmental friendly and is an example of rich traditional culture of the Lepchas.
Cane bridge, Ru-saom, is another finest documents of Lepcha art. The Eastern Himalayan region is full of small and large sized rivers, streams and only the bridge can connect the people of both sides. In early days when there was no iron suspension or concrete bridge like today, Lepchas constructed cane bridge with cane and bamboo which were available locally. Such bridge was very light but one could carry around 50 kg of load. Two trees on opposite banks of river were used as pillars on which the bridge used to hang. Expert, knowledgeable person in association with the archers and able bodied Lepchas gather on the auspicious day to construct the bridge.
Examples of Lepcha fine art can be available from their folk-lore of Earthen Tower whose relics are demanded to be found even today in Tallaom Purtam in Western Sikkim. Forts constructed by Lepcha kings in different parts of Mayel Lyang are evidences of their high quality architectural skill. Lepchas possess the skill of weaving and making their dress articles like Daam-praa, Dum-dem, bag, hat, cap, Ban-pok, Ban-hoor etc with the locally available materials. They were craftsmen par excellence and possessed environmental friendly high quality engineering and architectural skill. Their knowledge was indigenous and acquired by experience.
Now-a-days it is difficult to differentiate Lepcha houses from those of other houses. The well to do families construct the concrete houses using cement, brick,, iron etc while the poor families use wood, corrugated tin, thatch, bamboo for house construction. It is true that Ronglee needs huge wood and thatch which are costly and unavailable but in the process the Lepchas lost their days old architectural skill. Thirty five Lepcha traditional houses only are found in the Kalimpong Sub-Division. Modern iron suspension and concrete or wooden bridge have replaced most of traditional Lepcha cane bridge. Cane bridge is an example of Lepcha fine art and their indigenous knowledge of engineering.
Songs and Music: Another area of Lepcha identity is their distinct music and songs where they use indigenous musical instruments - Tungbuk, Satsung, Palit-Kent and Puntaong Palit. Tunes of the Lepcha songs are mostly derived from the hymn or chanting of the Mun and Boongthing. ‘Apryaa-Vom’, the spontaneous, impromptu, natural and on the spot song of the Lepchas is very special. To recognize their special character and to encourage the community the Government of India has awarded Lapon S.T.Lepcha and Renue Hildamit Lepcha with Sangeet Natak Academy Award in 1996 and 2008. Lapon S.T.Lepcha was the first Lepcha to receive the prestigious Padma Shri Award in 2006 for his untiring effort in preserving, spreading and protecting traditional Lepcha culture and custom. Anyway, the themes of most of the Lepcha songs are mainly based on their culture, tradition and nature which include birth of the child, marriage, death, returning soul to the Lap of Kanchanjunga and other natural surroundings.
In modern days the Lepchas could not keep themselves free from the influence of the electronic media and the western musical culture. Now, it is very hard to differentiate Lepcha songs from those of the others. The musical part of most songs is the total imitation of either mainland Indian style or European style. Songs are music based where themes although are brought from Lepcha tradition but are neglected. The music and tune misguided and puzzled the listeners.
Epilogue: The Lepchas, once the sons of the soil, have lost all their influence over the land and community. The lords of soil become landless and daily wage earners. They not only lost Mayel Lyang but in course of time become citizens of three countries: India, Nepal and Bhutan. They are now the negligible minority in all three countries. Lepchas have completely converted from their nature worshipper to either Buddhism or Christianity. Religious conversion is responsible in creating all round change in Lepcha society. Christianity has created a wider gap between the past and the present than the Buddhism. The role and importance of Mun, Boongthing, Peeboo and other traditional Lepcha personalities are getting some respect and are used by the Buddhists. Lepchas now got some formal education but in the process they forget their own language, literature and script. They lost their old skill of weaving their own dress; constructing house, Cane Bridge; making ban-pok, ornaments and all they need in their life.
The Indigenous Lepcha Tribal Association, Headquarters Kalimpong, is trying hard in preserving and protecting their culture, custom, tradition, religion, moo, language and literature. It has taken some extraordinary steps in opening and guiding forty Lepcha Night Schools to disseminate their language, literature, culture, custom, values to young generations. The Association organizes and celebrates a number of Lepcha festivals like Muk Zek Ding Rum Faat, Tendong Lho Rum Faat , Chyoo Rum Faat, Sakyoo Rum Faat and Birth Anniversary of Pano Gaeboo Achyok. Different Seminars, Conferences, Workshops organized by the Association help in inculcating the sense of awareness among the common Lepchas. The Lepcha Language Board not only educates the common Lepchas about their language and literature but also conducts examination and issues Certificate to the successful candidates.
The revival trend initiated by the Indigenous Lepcha Tribal Association, Headquarters Kalimpong, is praiseworthy and is revolutionary in the Lepcha history. It is a challanging and demanding task and its success depends upon the involvement of all the Lepchas: young and old, man and woman, rich and poor, literate and illiterate, rural and urban and ultimately Buddhists and Christians. The loss of Lepcha land, religion, culture, custom, language, literature can be regained and preserved by the Lepchas themselves. It absolutely rests on the Lepchas whether they are going to maintain their distinct identity for themselves and for posterity or prefer to merge with other dominant culture. Now, the revival process is on; the Indigenous Lepcha Tribal Association, Headquarters Kalimpong, is trying hard to its best; the government should get involved with due share; but it is ultimately the common Lepchas who through their active involvement and sense of belonging can only pull the community and remove their day’s old blame of ‘Dying Race’ and prove that they should no more be identified as ‘Vanishing Tribe’ but as the most ‘Flourishing Tribe’ of the region.
West Bengal Agricultural Policy: Lepcha farmers at stake
Dr T.K.Das
This article is a sketch of an impact of commercialization of Indian agriculture on the marginal people of this country like the Lepchas. The Left-Front Government (LFG) led by CPI(M) proposed for a new agricultural policy in 2002. This agricultural policy in tune with the McKinsey Report is another dimension of the global pressure on the Indian farmers in general and tribal agriculturists in particular. The basis target of this policy is commercialization of agriculture to the extent to ensure full utilization of land, its products and mainpower for satating global demands. This proposal has an apparent a priori logic that villagers would be benefited, because this policy will ensure employment and income generation for the farmers. At the same time this policy will, on the hand, relieve the cash-trapped Government of its responsibility in safeguarding the interests of the poor farmers of Bengal and, on the other hand, release the same from the pressure of the global business houses and their Indian agents.
This new policy was a prelude to a major shift from agriculture to agribusiness, which ‘is central to West Bengal’s 2010 Agribusiness Vision.’1 This policy was, in fact, a product of McKinsey Report on problems and prospects of agriculture in West Bengal. The McKinsey, an American consultancy firm, was first invited by the LFG in 1993. The McKinsey Report proposed for three fundamental changes in agricultural sector: a) opening of agriculture sector to private companies and multinational corporations (MNCs), b) bringing variation in agricultural products, and2 c) initiating into contract between farmers and corporate (MNCs) for production and selling of particular products. The first draft of the agricultural policy was vehemently criticized by different sections of people and even by the smaller partners of the Left Front. The LFG was forced to replace this policy with two other policy-drafts under the supervision of Nirupam Sen, the Minister of Industry, Government of West Bengal. However, these were fundamentally similar to the former one. Such recalcitrant attitude of the LFG primarily lies embedded in hurriedness of LFG for industrialilzing West Bengal through free hand of private players. It propagandizes agriculture as an unprofitable engagement for livelihood. So, industrialization is the only panacea. To the CPM veterans, farmers should sell his land and deposit the money in the bank and live on interests.3 The urban bhadralok leadership of CPM never likes tilling field and enjoying jatra as, to them, it is meant for churt only. In fact, the ideological base of the dominant section of the LPG also inspires such mode of thinking. It is thought that agriculturists and their ethnic nexus to land are determental to ‘socialist path’ of progress.4 This disdainful attitude to farming naturally propagandizes agriculture as an unprofitable affairs for livelihood.5 So, industrialization is the panacea. However, analysis of the class character of those LFG propagandists reveals that they are urban-centric, none of them are real tillers of land and they have come from upper-middle class or from local elites of any class and caste. Instead of nourshing the agriculture potential of the state, what is long due, they obviously have prescribed shift from farming to multinational contract farming - the McKinscy solution.
Denuding the land is the consequential action of such institutional arrangement. On the one hand LFG lays bar land for physical extortion through hi-tech chemical farming and scrubs of land from the psychosocial heritage on the other. Such aggressive advances need certain legal instruments - acquisition and commercial use of land. In consonance with this purpose and suggestion offered in the McKinsey report, the LFG enacted a new land reform policy: the West Bengal Land Reform (Amendment) Act in August 14,2005. The Section 14(Z) of this new act legalizes entry of FDI in all sectors, like contract farming, tourism, plantation, etc. It further empowers government to change land use pattern at its whim. The results are: a) titak destruction of small and medium business including agriculture, b) total opening of rural areas for FDI, and c) economy, management and administration in rural areas will be controlled by MNCs. On the other side, the LFG puts the British colonial policy of land acquisition of 1894 on use for facilitating industrialization in West Bengal. Such attempt has already gained notoriety, as the clause of “public purpose” of 1894 act becomes handy instrument for serving private purpose of the big business. In any case, agricultural lands are guillotined for non-agricultural use of land.
So, the agriculturists have two options: either giving up land for industrialization or surrender to commercialilzation of agriculture. Commercialilzed agricultural practices do not oppose cultivation of staple food crops but propose for decreasing of cultivation area for food crops. In order to increase production of food crops in decreasing land-yeilding seeds and insecticide. Interestingly, the farmers have to buy all these again from the MNCs. It also needs irrigation system, which West Bengal in general lacks. They also propose for use of land, extracted from land for food crops, for “dream products” such as mango, lichis, pineapple, cashew nut, vanilla, coco, mushroom, spices, potato, tomato, vegetable, aromatic rice, and flowers and ornamental plants, etc. The private players will select the products primarily according to the nature of land. Kalimpong, for example, may be selected for floriculture only. It has further been concluded that the processing of these products and exporting abroad will be handled by eleven native and foreign MNCs. In order to facilitate the whole operation, number of small and big marketing centers will be established in the concerned areas. Hence, according to McKinsey Report, the MNCs a) will decide what to produce, b) will decide what type of seeds and fertilizer and how much of water be used, c) will give loan against fixed rate of interest as primary capital and d) will buy the produces party in fixed rate and partly in market rate.6
II
McKinsey has divided West Bengal into four zones mainly in terms of the nature of lands and other commercial facililties. The second zone of these four zones comprises of Darjeeling, Jalpaiguri and North and south Dinajpur. It has also earnmarked 15% of total land of this zone now used for paddy cultivation will be used for commercial production of those “dream products”. In order to by pass any sort of wrangling over negligence to food crop production, the McKinsey report tries to compensate with the proposal that production of rice per hectare will be raised from 1.79 ton to 2 tons through high-tech farming as mentioned above. Especilly for Darjeeling, McKinsey often talked about the horticultural potentiality of the hills. In fact, the Indian business houses and MNCs have plans for capturing horticulture business (like cultivatin of orchids, gladioli, etc.), which has already made Kalimpong famous for its contribution.7 It might have been possible that these big players will spread their tentacles through local entrepreneurs. The LFG certainly has accent on such entrepreneurships. Besides, the LFG has exchanged ideas with the McKinsey on the future of Cinchona plantation of Mongpoo. The Media reports reveal that it seeks global buyers for Cinchona plantation of Mangpoo, which covers an area of 8,000 hectares and has work force of 5,000 people, - McKinsey had proposed restricting the plantation area to 2,000 hectares and distributing excess land to workers and providing them with marketing and technical support for the first five years to make them worthy for agribusiness. However, the Standing Committee on Commerce, GOI, rejected the proposal and recommended cultivation of crops like Turmeric and Cardamom and also Sericulture.8 The workers (Members of Hill Employees Association, Cinchona Zonal Plantation Committee & members of the Sanjukta Morcha comprising of five unions) of Cinchona plantation of Mongpoo also opposed the downsizing as suggested by McKinshey.9
So it is found that corporate profiteering motivates the attitude and policy of the policy-makers and business groups regarding the future of India agriculture. A renowned expert on agriculture, Devinder Sharma, has already laid bare the ominous nexus among the trinity: the national and local government, MNCs and Indian business housed. He has observed that the Indian government follows prescription of WTO and business interest groups like, the CII, Assocham, and FICCI and is working to turn Indian agriculture into a “food factory”. In their opinion, shift from agriculture to agribusiness would usher in “rainbow revolution”. Sharma also reported that the Assocham has also prepared a report (“Strategic Plan for Indian Agricultural Sector”) for boosting food crops production to 5,000 million tones and suggested modificatin of land lease norms, transfer of irrigation management contracts to the private sector and removeal of trade barriers all at the cost of government expenditure. After ‘green’ it is the era of ‘rainbow’ where revolution will again be propelled not by tillers of the land but by industrialists. One can see a close entente between those business houses and McKinsey as all their attempts are found laced with prescribed formula of McKinsey. In Sharma’s opinion it is part of the global design as ‘the WTO seeks to liberalize global agriculture trade by increasing market access through their personal agreement on agriculture. It reduces domestic support for farmers and export subsidies and lowers tariff barriers to imports, backed by provisions that limit the role of public stocking of food crops.’10
III
The little bit lengthy but critical introduction about the tole of the trinity in restructuring Indian agriculture is indispensable to analyze the fate of the Indian farmers in general and the Lepcha farmers in particular, suffice it say, farmers in general have been heading towards a bleak future for suclh new agricultural policy. However, farmer-tribes have certain other unique characteristics or so to say in Spencer’s approach, unfitness, which have made them unsuitable for McKinsey prescription.
To begin with the study of effect of such prescription on the Lepchas one should take a look at the Lepcha agriculture. There are few but critical studies on that issue.11 A quick summarization of Roy’s observation, a recent study of the lot, would be a good beginning. To his opinion, the Lepchas 1) are dependent heavily on agriculture, 2) are mostly small landowners, 3) are dependent on household labour, 4) believe in communal ownership not individualistic ownership, 5) follow traditional method of cultivation so they belong non-capitalilst society, or so to say, as ‘tribal peasants’ they practice a pre-capitalist society based agriculture, 6) try to mix capitalist farming with peasant economy of late: especially in case of production and marketing of cash crops, 7) thrive on subsistence economy: grow food mainly to eat, 8) have strong social and kinship obligations and 9) preserve seeds for next year for domestic and communal use. Having these critical features in mind, he further pointed to certain new but disturbing trends have already shaken Lepcha agriculture. For example, more and more lands are being brought under the cultivation of cash crops at the cost of food crops even if such cultivation of cash crops denies traditional communal leanings.12 Young Lepchas have started taking land on lease on contractual basis either by paying cash or kind for cash crops cultivation, which flares up sex and generational differences within the community. Basides, cultivation of cash crops is capital intensive that drives them into trap of money lenders. Moreover, the mono-crops pattern is now replaced by multi-cropping with a typical objective of producing food crops for consumption and cash crops for money. As luck would have it, these new developments certainly create tension within the community as it requires changed mind-set and necessary support base, which they lack in general. On the other, due to pressure of middlemen in marketing of cash crops they cannot get the benefit of hard work. Finally, such developments also destroy the already vulnerable food security of the Lepchas.
So, the Lepcha economy, which is highly contradictory to McKinsey policy, faces new challenges thrown by expansionism of capital over the globle, which can be summarized as a conflict between the Lepcha value system (Like absence of desire of for accumulation) and private initiative of capitalist mode of economy based on commercialization of agriculture (Cash crops in particular instead of food cereals) of late. The agricultural policy of the Government of West Bengal has further endangered the future of small and marginal tribal farmers whose economic interests have already been jeopardized in the face of indifferent attitude of the government and sheer profit-making tendency of the Indian and foreign business houses. In absence of freedom of the farmers scheme of mechanized and commercial farming will reduce the farmers to agricultural workers who will remain indebted to investors forever. All these economic factors have hardly offered a better economy for the Lepchas in place of subsistence economy.
The draft agricultural policy proposes for corporatization of farming under the guidance of the government and private sectors, namely, the district administration, local body and MNCs. All agricultural activities will be controlled by a contact between the small or big farmers and the MNCs. The state,particularly the district administration and local bodies,will play the role of the mediator in case of any crisis grown out of such contract. The farmers’ cooperative is replaced by such joint venture farming. The farmers will be accountable for any loss boern due to ground reality. Landless agricultural laborers are to be employed in the food processing and marketing sectors again controlled by those MNCs. This policy, though wants variety in produces, encourages production of cash crops only rather than food crops.13
IV
To conclude this sketchy write-up one has to give attention to some other alarming issues exhaled out of profiteering venture of the MNCs and its veiled and unveiled supporters. These are as follows:
a) Commercialization of agriculture gives way to massive unemployment by displacing agricultural labourers from their own: since 1950, 50 million evicted for development projects of which 40% are tribes.
b) The big business groups also attempts to capture retail business so that they can destroy any resistance in their way to profiteering. So, the Lepcha cannot produce and sell their own produce.
c) Dominated by small land holdings Indian agriculture, according to the experts, is in no position to adopt the high-tech farm practices expoused by commercial agriculture, which does not take account of the differential needs of small and marginal farmers.
d) This policy opposes three cardinal issues of agriculture: opposes freedom of the agriculturists, opposes sustainability of agriculture as it ignores natural potential of land and opposes production of staple food.
e) The MNCs and their followers want to build ‘food parks’ for ‘food factories’ throuth uprooting the farmers out of their land. The food factory projects have already uprooted millions of subsistence farmers. Not only that, poor man’s food (maize, bajra, millets, potatos, etc.) would become rich man’s edible and drink (beer, whisky) in the near future. The food crop production in India has registered a downward trend due to bad policies of the global and native players and their ‘fatal obsession with intensive agriculture based on chemical fertilizers. Such practices generate ecological imbalances as well. As a consequence, starvation deaths would be natural consequences as land becomes sick and unproductive.’
f) Further, Dr. T.N.Prakash and Dr.Tejaswsini of the University of Agricultural Science, Bangalore, observed that intensive floriculture, which is now becoming popular especially in Karnataka, West Bengal, Tamil Nadu, Andhrapradesh and Maharashtra, will certainly ruin the land, rendering it unfit for cultivation on the one hand and pesticides and chemical fertilizers pollute environment and contaminate ground water on the other.
Do marginal Lepchas have spirit and power to fight against corporate gaints with local bureaucracy and political leaders? The answer may not be affirmative but constant vigil and good reason would be an amulet for the Lepcha community or any other affected people.
Note:
1 w.w.w.icici-winfra.com.
2.In policy language it is called “crop diversification”, for example, from rice to aromatic rice. In fact, one MNC of USA, Himalaya Internatinal Ltd. (HILL), has already created a “Darjeeling Rice Brand”.
3.These are the oft-quoted advises offered by Jyoti Basu, Benoy Konar and other recorded in the media.
4.Country to Marxist-Leninist model of industry-centric development, Mao drew an agro-model of development for China indeed but that model was abandoned in the post-Mao era of China.
5.Rather a strong opposite view is prevalent among the sensitive experts. See Noeleen Heyzer, “We need another revolution, focus on agriculture to reduce poverty”, The Times of India, Kolkata, March 31, 2008, Amit Bhadukri, Development with dignity, National Book Trust, India, 2006 & Magdoff, Foster & Buttel eds, Hungry for profit, Cornerstone Publication, Kharagpur, 2008.
6.Rudra, Kalyan ed. Paschimbanger Krishiniti Krishaker Bhabisyat (Bengali), Mreettika, Kolkata, 2003.
7.Himalaya International Ltd. of USA is interested in production of pineapple and orchids in Darjeeling hills.
8.The Telegraph, January 26, 2004 (Internet version)
9.www.accessmylibrary.com
10.Sharma, Devinder, Alarm bells for Indian agriculture, www.icici-winfra.com.
11.Das & Banerjee (1962), Bagchi (1982) and others
12.Since bygone days, the Lepchas have been hiring communal labour for all stages of agricultural practice but now they tend to hire wage laborers from other communities and villages.
13.McKinsey Report & Rudra, Kalyan, ed.: 2003.
This article is a sketch of an impact of commercialization of Indian agriculture on the marginal people of this country like the Lepchas. The Left-Front Government (LFG) led by CPI(M) proposed for a new agricultural policy in 2002. This agricultural policy in tune with the McKinsey Report is another dimension of the global pressure on the Indian farmers in general and tribal agriculturists in particular. The basis target of this policy is commercialization of agriculture to the extent to ensure full utilization of land, its products and mainpower for satating global demands. This proposal has an apparent a priori logic that villagers would be benefited, because this policy will ensure employment and income generation for the farmers. At the same time this policy will, on the hand, relieve the cash-trapped Government of its responsibility in safeguarding the interests of the poor farmers of Bengal and, on the other hand, release the same from the pressure of the global business houses and their Indian agents.
This new policy was a prelude to a major shift from agriculture to agribusiness, which ‘is central to West Bengal’s 2010 Agribusiness Vision.’1 This policy was, in fact, a product of McKinsey Report on problems and prospects of agriculture in West Bengal. The McKinsey, an American consultancy firm, was first invited by the LFG in 1993. The McKinsey Report proposed for three fundamental changes in agricultural sector: a) opening of agriculture sector to private companies and multinational corporations (MNCs), b) bringing variation in agricultural products, and2 c) initiating into contract between farmers and corporate (MNCs) for production and selling of particular products. The first draft of the agricultural policy was vehemently criticized by different sections of people and even by the smaller partners of the Left Front. The LFG was forced to replace this policy with two other policy-drafts under the supervision of Nirupam Sen, the Minister of Industry, Government of West Bengal. However, these were fundamentally similar to the former one. Such recalcitrant attitude of the LFG primarily lies embedded in hurriedness of LFG for industrialilzing West Bengal through free hand of private players. It propagandizes agriculture as an unprofitable engagement for livelihood. So, industrialization is the only panacea. To the CPM veterans, farmers should sell his land and deposit the money in the bank and live on interests.3 The urban bhadralok leadership of CPM never likes tilling field and enjoying jatra as, to them, it is meant for churt only. In fact, the ideological base of the dominant section of the LPG also inspires such mode of thinking. It is thought that agriculturists and their ethnic nexus to land are determental to ‘socialist path’ of progress.4 This disdainful attitude to farming naturally propagandizes agriculture as an unprofitable affairs for livelihood.5 So, industrialization is the panacea. However, analysis of the class character of those LFG propagandists reveals that they are urban-centric, none of them are real tillers of land and they have come from upper-middle class or from local elites of any class and caste. Instead of nourshing the agriculture potential of the state, what is long due, they obviously have prescribed shift from farming to multinational contract farming - the McKinscy solution.
Denuding the land is the consequential action of such institutional arrangement. On the one hand LFG lays bar land for physical extortion through hi-tech chemical farming and scrubs of land from the psychosocial heritage on the other. Such aggressive advances need certain legal instruments - acquisition and commercial use of land. In consonance with this purpose and suggestion offered in the McKinsey report, the LFG enacted a new land reform policy: the West Bengal Land Reform (Amendment) Act in August 14,2005. The Section 14(Z) of this new act legalizes entry of FDI in all sectors, like contract farming, tourism, plantation, etc. It further empowers government to change land use pattern at its whim. The results are: a) titak destruction of small and medium business including agriculture, b) total opening of rural areas for FDI, and c) economy, management and administration in rural areas will be controlled by MNCs. On the other side, the LFG puts the British colonial policy of land acquisition of 1894 on use for facilitating industrialization in West Bengal. Such attempt has already gained notoriety, as the clause of “public purpose” of 1894 act becomes handy instrument for serving private purpose of the big business. In any case, agricultural lands are guillotined for non-agricultural use of land.
So, the agriculturists have two options: either giving up land for industrialization or surrender to commercialilzation of agriculture. Commercialilzed agricultural practices do not oppose cultivation of staple food crops but propose for decreasing of cultivation area for food crops. In order to increase production of food crops in decreasing land-yeilding seeds and insecticide. Interestingly, the farmers have to buy all these again from the MNCs. It also needs irrigation system, which West Bengal in general lacks. They also propose for use of land, extracted from land for food crops, for “dream products” such as mango, lichis, pineapple, cashew nut, vanilla, coco, mushroom, spices, potato, tomato, vegetable, aromatic rice, and flowers and ornamental plants, etc. The private players will select the products primarily according to the nature of land. Kalimpong, for example, may be selected for floriculture only. It has further been concluded that the processing of these products and exporting abroad will be handled by eleven native and foreign MNCs. In order to facilitate the whole operation, number of small and big marketing centers will be established in the concerned areas. Hence, according to McKinsey Report, the MNCs a) will decide what to produce, b) will decide what type of seeds and fertilizer and how much of water be used, c) will give loan against fixed rate of interest as primary capital and d) will buy the produces party in fixed rate and partly in market rate.6
II
McKinsey has divided West Bengal into four zones mainly in terms of the nature of lands and other commercial facililties. The second zone of these four zones comprises of Darjeeling, Jalpaiguri and North and south Dinajpur. It has also earnmarked 15% of total land of this zone now used for paddy cultivation will be used for commercial production of those “dream products”. In order to by pass any sort of wrangling over negligence to food crop production, the McKinsey report tries to compensate with the proposal that production of rice per hectare will be raised from 1.79 ton to 2 tons through high-tech farming as mentioned above. Especilly for Darjeeling, McKinsey often talked about the horticultural potentiality of the hills. In fact, the Indian business houses and MNCs have plans for capturing horticulture business (like cultivatin of orchids, gladioli, etc.), which has already made Kalimpong famous for its contribution.7 It might have been possible that these big players will spread their tentacles through local entrepreneurs. The LFG certainly has accent on such entrepreneurships. Besides, the LFG has exchanged ideas with the McKinsey on the future of Cinchona plantation of Mongpoo. The Media reports reveal that it seeks global buyers for Cinchona plantation of Mangpoo, which covers an area of 8,000 hectares and has work force of 5,000 people, - McKinsey had proposed restricting the plantation area to 2,000 hectares and distributing excess land to workers and providing them with marketing and technical support for the first five years to make them worthy for agribusiness. However, the Standing Committee on Commerce, GOI, rejected the proposal and recommended cultivation of crops like Turmeric and Cardamom and also Sericulture.8 The workers (Members of Hill Employees Association, Cinchona Zonal Plantation Committee & members of the Sanjukta Morcha comprising of five unions) of Cinchona plantation of Mongpoo also opposed the downsizing as suggested by McKinshey.9
So it is found that corporate profiteering motivates the attitude and policy of the policy-makers and business groups regarding the future of India agriculture. A renowned expert on agriculture, Devinder Sharma, has already laid bare the ominous nexus among the trinity: the national and local government, MNCs and Indian business housed. He has observed that the Indian government follows prescription of WTO and business interest groups like, the CII, Assocham, and FICCI and is working to turn Indian agriculture into a “food factory”. In their opinion, shift from agriculture to agribusiness would usher in “rainbow revolution”. Sharma also reported that the Assocham has also prepared a report (“Strategic Plan for Indian Agricultural Sector”) for boosting food crops production to 5,000 million tones and suggested modificatin of land lease norms, transfer of irrigation management contracts to the private sector and removeal of trade barriers all at the cost of government expenditure. After ‘green’ it is the era of ‘rainbow’ where revolution will again be propelled not by tillers of the land but by industrialists. One can see a close entente between those business houses and McKinsey as all their attempts are found laced with prescribed formula of McKinsey. In Sharma’s opinion it is part of the global design as ‘the WTO seeks to liberalize global agriculture trade by increasing market access through their personal agreement on agriculture. It reduces domestic support for farmers and export subsidies and lowers tariff barriers to imports, backed by provisions that limit the role of public stocking of food crops.’10
III
The little bit lengthy but critical introduction about the tole of the trinity in restructuring Indian agriculture is indispensable to analyze the fate of the Indian farmers in general and the Lepcha farmers in particular, suffice it say, farmers in general have been heading towards a bleak future for suclh new agricultural policy. However, farmer-tribes have certain other unique characteristics or so to say in Spencer’s approach, unfitness, which have made them unsuitable for McKinsey prescription.
To begin with the study of effect of such prescription on the Lepchas one should take a look at the Lepcha agriculture. There are few but critical studies on that issue.11 A quick summarization of Roy’s observation, a recent study of the lot, would be a good beginning. To his opinion, the Lepchas 1) are dependent heavily on agriculture, 2) are mostly small landowners, 3) are dependent on household labour, 4) believe in communal ownership not individualistic ownership, 5) follow traditional method of cultivation so they belong non-capitalilst society, or so to say, as ‘tribal peasants’ they practice a pre-capitalist society based agriculture, 6) try to mix capitalist farming with peasant economy of late: especially in case of production and marketing of cash crops, 7) thrive on subsistence economy: grow food mainly to eat, 8) have strong social and kinship obligations and 9) preserve seeds for next year for domestic and communal use. Having these critical features in mind, he further pointed to certain new but disturbing trends have already shaken Lepcha agriculture. For example, more and more lands are being brought under the cultivation of cash crops at the cost of food crops even if such cultivation of cash crops denies traditional communal leanings.12 Young Lepchas have started taking land on lease on contractual basis either by paying cash or kind for cash crops cultivation, which flares up sex and generational differences within the community. Basides, cultivation of cash crops is capital intensive that drives them into trap of money lenders. Moreover, the mono-crops pattern is now replaced by multi-cropping with a typical objective of producing food crops for consumption and cash crops for money. As luck would have it, these new developments certainly create tension within the community as it requires changed mind-set and necessary support base, which they lack in general. On the other, due to pressure of middlemen in marketing of cash crops they cannot get the benefit of hard work. Finally, such developments also destroy the already vulnerable food security of the Lepchas.
So, the Lepcha economy, which is highly contradictory to McKinsey policy, faces new challenges thrown by expansionism of capital over the globle, which can be summarized as a conflict between the Lepcha value system (Like absence of desire of for accumulation) and private initiative of capitalist mode of economy based on commercialization of agriculture (Cash crops in particular instead of food cereals) of late. The agricultural policy of the Government of West Bengal has further endangered the future of small and marginal tribal farmers whose economic interests have already been jeopardized in the face of indifferent attitude of the government and sheer profit-making tendency of the Indian and foreign business houses. In absence of freedom of the farmers scheme of mechanized and commercial farming will reduce the farmers to agricultural workers who will remain indebted to investors forever. All these economic factors have hardly offered a better economy for the Lepchas in place of subsistence economy.
The draft agricultural policy proposes for corporatization of farming under the guidance of the government and private sectors, namely, the district administration, local body and MNCs. All agricultural activities will be controlled by a contact between the small or big farmers and the MNCs. The state,particularly the district administration and local bodies,will play the role of the mediator in case of any crisis grown out of such contract. The farmers’ cooperative is replaced by such joint venture farming. The farmers will be accountable for any loss boern due to ground reality. Landless agricultural laborers are to be employed in the food processing and marketing sectors again controlled by those MNCs. This policy, though wants variety in produces, encourages production of cash crops only rather than food crops.13
IV
To conclude this sketchy write-up one has to give attention to some other alarming issues exhaled out of profiteering venture of the MNCs and its veiled and unveiled supporters. These are as follows:
a) Commercialization of agriculture gives way to massive unemployment by displacing agricultural labourers from their own: since 1950, 50 million evicted for development projects of which 40% are tribes.
b) The big business groups also attempts to capture retail business so that they can destroy any resistance in their way to profiteering. So, the Lepcha cannot produce and sell their own produce.
c) Dominated by small land holdings Indian agriculture, according to the experts, is in no position to adopt the high-tech farm practices expoused by commercial agriculture, which does not take account of the differential needs of small and marginal farmers.
d) This policy opposes three cardinal issues of agriculture: opposes freedom of the agriculturists, opposes sustainability of agriculture as it ignores natural potential of land and opposes production of staple food.
e) The MNCs and their followers want to build ‘food parks’ for ‘food factories’ throuth uprooting the farmers out of their land. The food factory projects have already uprooted millions of subsistence farmers. Not only that, poor man’s food (maize, bajra, millets, potatos, etc.) would become rich man’s edible and drink (beer, whisky) in the near future. The food crop production in India has registered a downward trend due to bad policies of the global and native players and their ‘fatal obsession with intensive agriculture based on chemical fertilizers. Such practices generate ecological imbalances as well. As a consequence, starvation deaths would be natural consequences as land becomes sick and unproductive.’
f) Further, Dr. T.N.Prakash and Dr.Tejaswsini of the University of Agricultural Science, Bangalore, observed that intensive floriculture, which is now becoming popular especially in Karnataka, West Bengal, Tamil Nadu, Andhrapradesh and Maharashtra, will certainly ruin the land, rendering it unfit for cultivation on the one hand and pesticides and chemical fertilizers pollute environment and contaminate ground water on the other.
Do marginal Lepchas have spirit and power to fight against corporate gaints with local bureaucracy and political leaders? The answer may not be affirmative but constant vigil and good reason would be an amulet for the Lepcha community or any other affected people.
Note:
1 w.w.w.icici-winfra.com.
2.In policy language it is called “crop diversification”, for example, from rice to aromatic rice. In fact, one MNC of USA, Himalaya Internatinal Ltd. (HILL), has already created a “Darjeeling Rice Brand”.
3.These are the oft-quoted advises offered by Jyoti Basu, Benoy Konar and other recorded in the media.
4.Country to Marxist-Leninist model of industry-centric development, Mao drew an agro-model of development for China indeed but that model was abandoned in the post-Mao era of China.
5.Rather a strong opposite view is prevalent among the sensitive experts. See Noeleen Heyzer, “We need another revolution, focus on agriculture to reduce poverty”, The Times of India, Kolkata, March 31, 2008, Amit Bhadukri, Development with dignity, National Book Trust, India, 2006 & Magdoff, Foster & Buttel eds, Hungry for profit, Cornerstone Publication, Kharagpur, 2008.
6.Rudra, Kalyan ed. Paschimbanger Krishiniti Krishaker Bhabisyat (Bengali), Mreettika, Kolkata, 2003.
7.Himalaya International Ltd. of USA is interested in production of pineapple and orchids in Darjeeling hills.
8.The Telegraph, January 26, 2004 (Internet version)
9.www.accessmylibrary.com
10.Sharma, Devinder, Alarm bells for Indian agriculture, www.icici-winfra.com.
11.Das & Banerjee (1962), Bagchi (1982) and others
12.Since bygone days, the Lepchas have been hiring communal labour for all stages of agricultural practice but now they tend to hire wage laborers from other communities and villages.
13.McKinsey Report & Rudra, Kalyan, ed.: 2003.
MARGINALIZATION OF THE LEPCHA LANGUAGE IN THE DARJEELING HILLS, WEST BENGAL
MARGINALIZATION OF THE LEPCHA LANGUAGE IN THE DARJEELING HILLS, WEST BENGAL
A SOCIO-POLITICAL PERSPECTIVE
Satarupa Dattamajumdar
The Asiatic Society,Kolkata
1.0. The Demographic Status
The Lepcha speech community calls themselves ‘Mutanchi Rongkup Rumkup’and their language is called Rongring. The Lepcha language is spoken mainly in Darjeeling District of West Bengal and Sikkim. It is also spoken in Bhutan and Nepal.
According to 2001 Census, total Lepcha population in India was 50,629. The population strength of Lepcha in Sikkim is 35, 728 according to 2001 Census and 14,731 in West Bengal according to 2001 census.[Ref: Census of India-2001 Paper-1 of 2007,language India, States and Union Territories, Table C-16. Office of the Registrar General of India, Govt. Of India, New Delhi 2008] Lepchas are also settled in Bhutan (Samasti district)—the population strength being 2,000(2001 Van Driem) and in Nepal (Ilam district)—- the population strength being 1,272 (1961 Census) [according to website : http://www.ethnologue.com]
Apart from Sikkim and West Bengal, Lepcha is also spoken in Bhutan (lower valleys in the West and South) and Nepal (Mechi zone, Ilam district). In Nepal Lepcha is recognized as an official nationality by the Govt. of Nepal. In both these countries they are mainly agriculturalists, pastoralists and are followers of traditional religion and Buddhism (lamaist).
2.0. FILIATION
Lepchas are the original inhabitants of Sikkim and the Darjeeling district of West Bengal. The Lepcha language belongs to the Tibeto Burman sub-family under Tibeto-Chinese/Sino-Tibetan language family. It is placed in the non-pronominalised group of the Himalayan languages under the Tibeto-Burman sub-family.(Grierson,G.A.1908. Linguistic Survey of India. Vol.III, Pt.I.)
3.0.OBJECTIVE OF THE STUDY
The study investigates and analyses the status of the Lepcha language in West Bengal. The motivation behind language choice and use, and the language attitude of the Lepcha speech community has been viewed significantly in the study. The use and choice of language in close interaction is relevant from the point of view of language identity. The range of the use of mother tongue of the Lepchas of Darjeeling also brings into light a picture of the opportunity a speaker gets in using their mother tongue in various social domains of interaction. Living in a multilingual environment, the attitude of this minority community towards their mother tongue has been focused in order to bring into light the effort which the community is undertaking to promote their mother tongue.
4.0. PRESENT STATUS OF LANGUAGE USE
The use of the Lepcha language in different social domains in Kalimpong subdivision of Darjeeling district has been viewed significantly for the purpose of the present study.
Following are the various domains which have been considered significant in using the language.
4.1.The Speech Variety:
The speech variety has the status of autonomy (a full fledged language). No work on language variation in terms of geographical and social space has been recorded.
4.2.The Orthographic status of the Language:
The Lepcha language has its own ancient script. The Lepcha alphabet is known as ‘Rong Chhyoming’. Lepcha book of alphabet is known as ‘Lazaong’. Lepcha script is standardized. The first Lepcha Primer was published in Lepcha characters in 1929 in Baptist Mission Press, Calcutta.
4.3.Codification(availability status of Dictionary, Spelling manuals, Grammars)
Codification of norms refers to the phenomenon when a selection was made regarding the language variety by some agency, e.g., individual having authority starts out to make dictionaries, spelling manuals, grammars, etc. to fix the variety so that a norm is established and the members of the speech variety agrees to that part. The intellectual credibility must be there for codification.
The available publications are presented in the following.
1. Tamsang, K.P. 1982.Lazaong ( book of glossary, lexicon, syllabic scheme, etc.) Kalimpong; Mani Printing Press.
2. Tamsang, K.P. 1980. Lepcha English Encyclopedic Dictionary. Kalimpong; Mani Printing Press. Second edition 2009.
3. Tamsang, K. P. 1978.A Grammar of the Lepcha Language (in Lepcha). Kalimpong: Mani Printing works.
4. An English to Lepcha Dictionary in 1996. Gangtok: Lyandok Kurmon, Gangtok, Sikkim.
5. Mainwaring G. B. 1876. A Grammer of the Lepcha (Rong) Lepcha Language as it exists in the Sikkim and Dorjiling Hills, Baptist Mission Press, Calcutta.
6. Mainwaring,G.B.1896. Dictionary of the Lepcha Language. Revised and completed by Albert Grunwedel. Berlin:Unger.
7.Sinha,P.1966. Descriptive Grammar of Lepcha. Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation.Pune:Deccan College.
8. K.P. Tamsang 1999. Lepcha Proverbs Kalimpong; Mani Printing Press.
9. K. P. Tamsang Lepcha Proverbs with English Equivalent-1998. Kalimpong; Mani Printing Press etc.
4.4. Elaboration of Function (range of use):
Broadly speaking, Lepcha is basically used in the intimate and home domain.
In West Bengal the language has no place in the Primary and Secondary education system of West Bengal.( On the other hand in Sikkim, Lepcha is taught as a subject matter in the Government schools up to undergraduate level).
It is only taught in the Lepcha Night Schools of Darjeeling district run by the sole initiative of The Indigenous Lepcha Tribal Association in the village levels upto XIIth standard. There are 40+ (forty plus) Lepcha Night Schools in the Darjeeling Hills.
4.5.Implementation of the language by the community:
i)Register and Style:
Register refers to language variation in the occupational lexical level with special reference to the context of situation.
Some registral variation is evident in the language. e.g., vocables used for medicinal plants, farming, insects etc.
Stylistic variation can be observed in case of poems and narrative writings.
4.6. Legal status of the Language
There is no officially declared status of Lepcha in West Bengal.
Lepcha speech community is considered to be a scheduled tribe pertaining to the state of West Bengal.
4.7. Development of the language:
The literary contributions are mostly done by the native speakers of the language. The literary efforts in the language has been enumerated below.
i) Translations works:
Some translation works are available. Translations are essentially from Tibetan, English, Bangla, and Hindi languages. Following translation works are available in the language.
1.‘Gitanjali’ from Bangla by P.T. Simick.
2.Buddhist scriptures from Tibetan
3. Gospel from English (First Bible published in Lepcha in 1845 from Baptist Mission Press)
4. New Testament from English
5. Hymn Books
6. Catechism
7. Old Testament
ii)Religious Writings :
Namtho Namthar, the indigenous Lepcha literary works attest nature worshipping as the traditional practice of the Lepcha people. These Namtho Namthars are available only with the Lepchas of Kalimpong, Darjeeling. Naamtho Naamthaar have also been translated into English but they remain unpublished. Lepcha Hymn books (religious songs: 200 songs approx.) were published from Baptist Mission Press.
iii)Ideological writings:
Articles on ideological writings are published in magazines by the Indigenous Lepcha Tribal Association.
iv)Categories of Literature
Literary works of various types like Narratives, Lyrics, Plays, Songs, Fictions and other non-narratives are available in the Lepcha language.
Some of the literary contributions have been mentioned in the following.
Narrative:
1. Mayel Pundor
2.Muk Jek Ding Rum Fat
3.Chyoo Rum Fat
4.Chyoo Zong etc
Lyrics:
1. Kayu Rong Vom Chyo
2. Rong Zyung Vom
3. Sakyoo Rum Faat Chyo
4. Chyoo, Da an Lep
5. Taarsyok kaat sagraam rongkup kati
6. Nyoo Thing Laom Fron etc
Drama:
1.Kingchum do Arepjong
2. Zer Fo Kup (collection of plays)
3. Nahan Bri
4. Rongnyoo Rongeet
5. Zer Kaomlenla Kursong Sarvo Rip Ryoo etc.
Songs:
1. Aamoo Ringdom Pyok lao Chaakaa (collection of songs)
2. Vom Panaol (A Gift of Songs)
3. Chhakdaong Panaol etc
4.8. Works on the Language:
Some of the works on the Lepcha language, literature and speech community that are worth mentioning are presented in the following:
1.Awasty,Indira.1978.Between Sikkim and Bhutan (the Lepchas and Bhutanese of Pedong)Delhi: B.R. Publishing Corporation.
2.Benedict,Paul K.1972.Sino-Tibetan:A Conspectus. Oxford: Oxford Univ. Press
3.Bhattacharya, A. 1989.Sikkim.New Delhi:National Book Trust India.
Campbell, A.1840. ‘Note on Lepchas of Sikkim’. JASB vol.IX: 379-393
4.Chakraborti,A. 1978. Read Lepcha (An introduction to the Lepcha or Rong Scripts Self instructor for reading the language) NewDelhi.
5.Chattopadhyay,T. 1946.Lepchas and their heritage. Delhi: B.R. Publishing.
6.Das,A.K.and Banerjee,S.1962. The Lepchas of Darjeeling district. Govt of West Bengal: Director of Tribal Welfare.
7.Das,A.K.1975. ‘The Lepchas in the eyes of earlier authors’. Bulletin of the Cultural Research Institute. Vol.XI,No.1&2:80-90.
8.Das,A.K.1978. The Lepchas of West Bengal. S.Dey for Editions Indian.
9. Dattamajumdar,S. 2009. ‘Reduplicated Expressives in Lepcha’ . Buckingham Journal of Language and Linguistics ,vol.2. No.2. 19-25.UK.
10.Dattamajumdar,S. 2009. ‘A Deterministic Study of the language Attitude of Lepcha.’ Journal of the Asiatic Society. Vol. L1,No.4. 13-28
11. Dattamajumdar, S. 2009. ‘Language Proficiency and Preference: A Case study with Lepcha’ in the Proceedings of The International Conference on World Languages and North-East Languages: Convergence, Enrichment or Death. NEHU: Shillong.
12.Debbarman,P.1992. ‘Education among the Lepchas of Darjeeling’. Bulletin of the Cultural Research Institute. Vol.XVIII,No.1&2:29-31
13.Foning,A.R.1972. ‘The Children of Kanchenjunga’.Bulletin of the Cultural Research Institute. Vol.IX,No.1&2:61-63.
14.Foning,A.R.1979. ‘A short account of the Lepcha Language’. Bulletin of the Cultural Research Institute. Vol.XIII,No.3&4:20-30.
15.Foning,A.R.1980. ‘Some customary laws of our Lepcha Tribe’. Bulletin of the Cultural Research Institute. Vol.XIV,No.1&2:17-21.
16.Foning, A.R. 1987. Lepcha, my vanishing tribe. New Delhi: Sterling
17.Gorer, G.1984.Lepchas of Sikkim. Delhi: Cultural Publishing House.
18.Grierson,G.A. 1908.Linguistic Survey of India.Vol.III, Pt.I.
19.Hermanns,Matthias. 1954.The Indo-Tibetans; The Indo-Tibetan &Mongoloid Problem in the Southern Himalaya and North –Northeast India. Bombay: K.L. Fernandes.
20.Kloss.A, Mahapatra,B.P, Padmanabha,P, MacConnell,G.D & Verma,V.S.(ed.) 1989. The Written Languages of the World: A Survey of the Degree and Modes of Use. Non- Constitutional Languages of India. Vol.II. India: Registrar General & Census Commissioner.
21.Mainwaring,G.B.1876. A Grammar of the Rong (Lepcha) language as it exists in the Dorjeeling and Sikkim Hills. Calcutta.
22.Mainwaring,G.B.1898. Dictionary of the Lepcha Language.Revised and completed by Albert Grunwedel.Berlin: Unger.
23.Mallick,B. & Chowdhuri, M.K. 1980. ‘Ngsaey – A Lepcha dominated village’. Bulletin of the Cultural Research Institute. Vol.XIV ,No.1&2: 93-95.
24.Morris,J. 1938.Living with Lepchas. London; Toronto, William Heinemann.
25.Neethivanan,J. 1967. ‘Notes on Investigation among the Lepchas’ Darjeeling District Census Handbook. West Bengal:Census of India 1961.
26.Risley,H.H.1894.The Gazetteer of Sikkim.Calcutta:Bengal Secretariat Press.Denmark:Copenhagen National Museum.
27.Plaisier,H. 2003. ‘Lepcha’. The Sino-Tibetan Languages.(Thurgood and Lapolla ed.)London & NewYork:Routledge.
28.Plaisier, H.2003. Catalogue of Lepcha Manuscripts in the Van Manen collection. Leiden: Kern Institute.
30. Plaisier,H. 2007. A Grammar of Lepcha. Leiden : Brill
31.Siiger,Halfdan. 1967. The Lepchas: Culture, religion of a Himalayan People,Pt.I &II.National Museum Ethnographic Series, Vol.II, Pt I. Copenhagen.
32.Sinha,P.1966. Descriptive Grammar of Lepcha. Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation.Pune:Deccan College.
33.Singh,K.S.(ed.)1993.People of India: Sikkim. Vol.XXXIX . Anthropological Survey of India. Calcutta: Seagull Books.
34.Sprigg,R.K. 1982. ‘The Lepcha language and Three Hundred Years of Tibetan Influence of Sikkim’. JASB.vol.XXIV.No.1-4;16-31.
35.Stocks,C.De Beauvoir.1925. ‘Folklore and Customs of the Lepchas of Sikkim’ JASB. Art.No. 23.New Series.vol.XXI:325-505
36.Tamsang, K.P.1978. A Grammar of the Lepcha Language (in Lepcha). Kalimpong: Mani Printing works.
37. Tamsang K. P. 1980, 2009. Lepcha English Encyclopeadic Dictionary. Kalimpong. Mani Priting Press.
38. Tamsang K. P. 1999. Lepcha Proverbs. Kalimpong. Mani Printing Press.
39. Tamsang, K.P. Unknown and Untold Reality about the Lepchas 1983,1998
40. Tamsang, K. P. Glossary of Lepcha Medicinal Plants, 2004.
41. Tamsang, Lyangsong, 2008. Lepcha Folklore and Folksongs, Sahitya Akademi.
42.Waddell,L.A.1898. ‘The Lepcha or Rong Language as illustrated in its songs’.JASBvol.LXVII(3):75-85.
4.9. Printed Oral Tradition:
The Lepcha language has a rich oral tradition. Efforts have been made essentially by the Indigenous Lepcha Tribal Association for publication of such indigenous knowledge of the speech community. Some important works are mentioned in the following.
1. Lepcha Myth by K.P. Tamsang 1996.
2. Lepcha Folklore by K.P. Tamsang 1997.
3. Rong Taom Sung by K. P. Tamsang (Lepcha moral Stories) 1999.
4. Rong Sung Gyom by K. P. Tamsang (Lepcha folk tales) 2004. etc.
5. Rong Sung Gyom (Lepcha folktales) by P. T. Simik 2002.
4.10.Periodicals:
Publication of the periodicals constitute an integral part of the contribution of the Indigenous Lepcha Tribal Association for the promotion of their mother tongue and indigenous culture. Some of such worthy publications are mentioned below.
1. Achuley (quaterley) published by The Indigenous Lepcha Tribal Association. Editor, Lyangsong Tamsang.
2. Pano Gaebo Achyok (annual) published by The Indigenous Lepcha Tribal Association. Editor, Lyangsong Tamsang.
3. Aathing K.P.Tamsang (annual) published by Pachaok Lepcha Village Association. Editor, Suksing Kongchhyen Lepcha, Kalimpong.
4. Zyer Fo Kup (annual) published by Ryon Lepcha Village Association, Kalimpong.
5. One handwritten magazine published from Mirik, Kurseong, has been reported.
4.11. Schools:
i)Government:
In West Bengal the Lepcha language has no place in the educational curriculum provided by West Bengal Board of Secondary Education.
It is only taught in the Lepcha Night Schools run by The Indigenous Lepcha Tribal Association in the village levels upto XIIth standard as a subject .
ii)Private / Religious Schools:
i) There are 40+ (forty plus) Lepcha Night Schools all over Darjeeling district established by The Indigenous Lepcha Tribal Association where Lepcha is taught formally to the Lepcha children along with English language from pre-primary to XII standard.
ii) There are no religious schools. Only Boongthing and Mun, the Lepcha priest and priestess of their traditional religion teach their disciples about their own practice in Lepcha language. All these are basically oral teachings and are considered to be the highest form of spoken variety of the language by the members of the speech community.
4.12. Text books written in the Language:
Text books in the Lepcha language are published with private effort of the Indigenous Lepcha Tribal Association to carry out the development of the language especially as a syllabus for the Lepcha Night Schools where Lepcha language is taught.
Some publications are mentioned in the following.
i)School Level:
1. Lazaong (Lepcha syllabic schemes)- K. P. Tamsang 1982, 2002,2008,2009
2. Lepcha Primer –I by G.T. Sitling Lepcha, 1929, 1957, 1971, 2002, 2006, 2009
3. Lepcha Primer – II by S.K. Taso Lepcha, 1949, 2002, 2009
4. Lepcha Primer- III by D.S. Lepcha, 2002.
5. Lepcha Primer –IV by D.S. Lepcha, 2002.
6. Lepcha Reader- V by D.S. Lepcha, 2007.
7. Lepcha Reader- VI by D.S. Lepcha, 2007.
8. Lepcha Reader- VII by D.S. Lepcha, 2007.
9. Lepcha Reader-VIII by D.S. Lepcha, 2007.
10. Lepcha Reader- IX by D.S. Lepcha, 2007.
11. Lepcha Reader- X by D.S. Lepcha,2007.
12. Lepcha Reader- XI by P.T. Lepcha, 2008.
13. Lepcha Reader- XII by P.T. Lepcha, 2008
4.13. Mass Media
i)Audio-visual media:
All India Radio, Kurseong broadcast Lepcha programme (only folk songs) twice a month. (Ten minutes only).
No regular programme has been reported to be broadcast from All India Radio, Kolkata
No regular programme is telecast in Lepcha .
ii)Print Media :
1.Calendar (lunar)is published in the Lepcha language by The Indigenous Lepcha Tribal Association, Kalimpong.
The other printed matters have already been mentioned in section 4.10
iii) Movies / Advertisements:
A number of documentaries are available in the Lepcha language. The subject matters of these documentaries are basically folk songs, rituals, customs, tradition etc. Following documentary films are worthy to be mentioned in this connection:
1. One documentary on Lepcha culture and livelihood has been prepared by Central Institute of Indian Languages, (MHRD) Mysore.
2. One documentary on the Pilgrimage to Dzongu ( Faokram Takram Lyang) by Kalimpong Lepchas.
3. One documentary on Lepcha New Year programme, Nambun, Namaal, Namsung has been done by Indigenous Lepcha Tribal Association, Kalimpong.
4. Films Division, Government of India, is currently shooting a documentry film on the Lepcha tribes, Aachuley!
Advertisements and Posters in the Lepcha language are prepared and circulated by the Indigenous Lepcha Tribal Association of Headquarters Kalimpong, Darjeeling .
1. Celebration of the birth anniversary of King Gaeboo Aachyok
2. Leaflets on Lepcha New Year.
3. Movement to save Dzongu (the Lepcha holy land in Sikkim) etc.
Rural and Health development departments do not produce posters and pamphlets in the Lepcha language.
Such activities are done in the Lepcha language by The Indigenous Lepcha Tribal Association.
4.14.Internal written communication:
i)Notices:
Notices like resolutions of The Lepcha Indigenous Tribal Association, pilgrimage to Dzongu, examination in night schools and various administrative instructions are done in Lepcha and circulated especially in the Lepcha villages in the Darjeeling Hills.
ii) Other Activities:
In West Bengal Lepcha language is not used in administration , legislation or in judiciary.
Lepchas as a tribal community has indigenous customary laws which are written in Lepcha are practised amongst the Lepchas.
In respect to trade and industry Lepcha is used as per the situation along with Bhotia, Hindi and Nepali. English is used marginally.
4.15. Effort for Promoting the language:
i) Agencies (Govt./ non-Govt.):
1.The Indigenous Lepcha Tribal Association (est.1925) is a non-govt. agency that takes initiative in promoting various literary, social, cultural activities all over Darjeeling district.
The Association has three tier system :
Central (Headquarters : Kalimpong)
Sub-Divisional
Village level and supported by
The Lepcha Youth Organisation
2. Preparation of documentary film on the Lepchas of Darjeeling, Bilingual dictionary, etc. are some of the initiatives taken up by the Central Institute of India Languages, Mysore (Ministry of Human Resource Development, Govt. Of India)
ii) Personalities Promoting Language and Culture:
1. Lyangsong Tamsang, Editor and President, Indigenous Lepcha Tribal Association, Headquarters, Kalimpong
2. P.T.Simik (Translator of ‘Geetanjali’ / author, Bhasa Saman)
3. Sonam Tshering Lepcha (Sangeet Natak Akademi Awardee/ Padmasree)
4. N.T.Lepcha (Lyricist, poet, dramatist, singer)
5. Hildamit Lepcha (Sangeet Natak Akademi Awardee)
6. Gautam Lepcha (Novelist, Poet)
7. Dup Shuzong Lepcha (Essayist and Text Book Writer)
8. Suksing Kongchhyen Lepcha (Dramatist, Poet and Editor)
9. O. T. Lepcha (Namtho-Namthar)
10. Palden Lepcha (Namtho-Namthar and Essayist)
11. O. T. Goulok Lepcha (Essayist)
12. Anthony Lepcha (Poet)
13. Ongden Lepcha (Essayist)
14. Pasang Tshering Lepcha (Lyricist)
15. Ten Tshering Lepcha and others (Essayist)
5.0. THE SCENARIO IN SIKKIM
Contrary to the above scenario regarding the status of the Lepcha language, Sikkim gets support from Governmental level that marks a radical difference in attitude of the members of the speech community.
Lepcha has been declared as one of the three official languages (along with Nepali and Bhotia) by the Sikkim Govt. vide notification dated October 17, 1977 . Lepcha has been considered as official language by the Govt. of Sikkim.
In the educational level Lepcha is taught as a subject in the Government schools up to undergraduate level. Series of text books in Lepcha are published from Government press, Govt. of Sikkim.
In Legislative activities mainly English and Hindi are used. Translation in Lepcha are of course done when required. There is provision for qualified Lepcha translators.
Rural and Health development departments have reported to produce posters and pamphlets in the Lepcha language.
Notices are available mainly in Lepcha section of Human Resource Development and in the organizational level in North Sikkim.
Sikkim Herald (Weekly newspaper) is published from Information and Public Relation Department , Goverment of Sikkim.
AIR, Gangtok broadcast Lepcha program me. Composite programme in the Lepcha language is broadcast everyday from 4.30 to 5.00 P.M. This consists of three or four folksongs, talk on Lepcha social or environmental affairs. At 6.45 P.M regional news in Lepcha is also broadcast.
Some years back local cable stations used to telecast news in Lepcha. But at present Nayuma cable TV centre, Gangtok telecast small albums at times.
Effort for promoting the language has been taken up both by the governmental and non-governmental agencies like——
1. Sikkim Academy(Govt.) for the development of State Language (for the development of Lepcha language) under Culture and Heritage Department.
2. Sikkim Lepcha Literary Organization, Gangtok (NGO) for the development of the literature of the language.
3. Laom Aal Shezum , North Sikkim.
4. Rong Ong Shezum (Youth Association, Gangtok)
6.0. ANALYSING THE STATE OF AFFAIR
Historically viewing, Lepcha, once an official language of Darjeeling hills, was in extensive use in Darjeeling area till the end of 19th Century. When Dr. Campbell took charge of the administration in Darjeeling, Lepcha language received a back foot and started to be considered as the language of the aboriginal people who are socially and culturally backward. Foning (1987:160. Lepcha, my vanishing tribe. New Delhi: Sterling) rightly puts it as, “ The government language report gave unfavourable findings. This was the result of a politically motivated action on the part of the British government.” As a consequence, black and white communication came to be considered as an occasional phenomenon of the present –day Lepcha society in spite of having a developed literary history.
The socio-political dominance of the Nepali language that started from the end of 19th Century, can be traced to be the major socio-political factor , that exerts immense pressure on this minority language. Inspite of the fact that Nepali is an Indo-Aryan language and that Lepcha , a Tibeto-Burman language that had a developed tradition, the huge continual migration of Nepali population that was encouraged by the then British administration influenced every aspect of social life in the hills of Darjeeling. Therefore Foning (ibid:296) aptly observes, “Both in the urban and the rural areas, the Nepali language has virtually become the ‘Lingua Franca’ for the people of different ethnic groups that one finds in the regions.”
The enquiry regarding the status of Lepcha language in the curriculum of West Bengal Board reveals that, Lepcha language has not been incorporated in the curriculum of primary and secondary education. Neither as a medium of instruction nor as a subject, Lepcha finds its place in the education system of West Bengal (Ref: Syllabi published in 1984 and revised in 2006). Therefore depriving the formal cultivation of reading and writing skills in Lepcha, the mother tongue, for the present generation. On the other hand Nepali being a link language is found to exert immense pressure especially being one of the languages (taught in school) taught in West Bengal education curriculum.
Not only Nepali, the promotion of Hindi in the government level — both at the centre and state government levels is also replacing Lepcha language in different domains of social life. The exposure of Hindi through audio-visual media is found to have penetrated even in the remote villages of Darjeeling district.
English language being one of the associate official language of the country is considered instrumental to future economic opportunities for the younger generation. The formal education provided by the missionary schools that came into vogue from nineteenth century naturally enhances the use of the English language.
7.0. SUGGESTIVE MEASURES
The above situation reveals the fact that in spite of being a language with developed literary tradition and a good deal of effort by the Indigenous Lepcha Tribal Association (especially in the matter of teaching Lepcha language through the night schools and publishing text books for different classes), the language is yet to get a place in the West Bengal state educational system. Field investigation reveals, the qualified people of Darjeeling District having expertise to teach Lepcha language has to migrate to Gangtok, Sikkim for seeking relevant job.
The effort in the Governmental level of West Bengal for incorporation of the Lepcha language, (the mother tongue of the autochthones of the land) in the board of Primary/Secondary/Higher Secondary Education would have helped in uplifting the ‘Right to education in mother tongue’ and in eradicating the sense of marginalization /identity crisis of the speech community. Such a policy on the part of the government is likely to uphold justice for the Lepcha speech community which is socio-politically significant for the present –day Darjeeling hills.
A SOCIO-POLITICAL PERSPECTIVE
Satarupa Dattamajumdar
The Asiatic Society,Kolkata
1.0. The Demographic Status
The Lepcha speech community calls themselves ‘Mutanchi Rongkup Rumkup’and their language is called Rongring. The Lepcha language is spoken mainly in Darjeeling District of West Bengal and Sikkim. It is also spoken in Bhutan and Nepal.
According to 2001 Census, total Lepcha population in India was 50,629. The population strength of Lepcha in Sikkim is 35, 728 according to 2001 Census and 14,731 in West Bengal according to 2001 census.[Ref: Census of India-2001 Paper-1 of 2007,language India, States and Union Territories, Table C-16. Office of the Registrar General of India, Govt. Of India, New Delhi 2008] Lepchas are also settled in Bhutan (Samasti district)—the population strength being 2,000(2001 Van Driem) and in Nepal (Ilam district)—- the population strength being 1,272 (1961 Census) [according to website : http://www.ethnologue.com]
Apart from Sikkim and West Bengal, Lepcha is also spoken in Bhutan (lower valleys in the West and South) and Nepal (Mechi zone, Ilam district). In Nepal Lepcha is recognized as an official nationality by the Govt. of Nepal. In both these countries they are mainly agriculturalists, pastoralists and are followers of traditional religion and Buddhism (lamaist).
2.0. FILIATION
Lepchas are the original inhabitants of Sikkim and the Darjeeling district of West Bengal. The Lepcha language belongs to the Tibeto Burman sub-family under Tibeto-Chinese/Sino-Tibetan language family. It is placed in the non-pronominalised group of the Himalayan languages under the Tibeto-Burman sub-family.(Grierson,G.A.1908. Linguistic Survey of India. Vol.III, Pt.I.)
3.0.OBJECTIVE OF THE STUDY
The study investigates and analyses the status of the Lepcha language in West Bengal. The motivation behind language choice and use, and the language attitude of the Lepcha speech community has been viewed significantly in the study. The use and choice of language in close interaction is relevant from the point of view of language identity. The range of the use of mother tongue of the Lepchas of Darjeeling also brings into light a picture of the opportunity a speaker gets in using their mother tongue in various social domains of interaction. Living in a multilingual environment, the attitude of this minority community towards their mother tongue has been focused in order to bring into light the effort which the community is undertaking to promote their mother tongue.
4.0. PRESENT STATUS OF LANGUAGE USE
The use of the Lepcha language in different social domains in Kalimpong subdivision of Darjeeling district has been viewed significantly for the purpose of the present study.
Following are the various domains which have been considered significant in using the language.
4.1.The Speech Variety:
The speech variety has the status of autonomy (a full fledged language). No work on language variation in terms of geographical and social space has been recorded.
4.2.The Orthographic status of the Language:
The Lepcha language has its own ancient script. The Lepcha alphabet is known as ‘Rong Chhyoming’. Lepcha book of alphabet is known as ‘Lazaong’. Lepcha script is standardized. The first Lepcha Primer was published in Lepcha characters in 1929 in Baptist Mission Press, Calcutta.
4.3.Codification(availability status of Dictionary, Spelling manuals, Grammars)
Codification of norms refers to the phenomenon when a selection was made regarding the language variety by some agency, e.g., individual having authority starts out to make dictionaries, spelling manuals, grammars, etc. to fix the variety so that a norm is established and the members of the speech variety agrees to that part. The intellectual credibility must be there for codification.
The available publications are presented in the following.
1. Tamsang, K.P. 1982.Lazaong ( book of glossary, lexicon, syllabic scheme, etc.) Kalimpong; Mani Printing Press.
2. Tamsang, K.P. 1980. Lepcha English Encyclopedic Dictionary. Kalimpong; Mani Printing Press. Second edition 2009.
3. Tamsang, K. P. 1978.A Grammar of the Lepcha Language (in Lepcha). Kalimpong: Mani Printing works.
4. An English to Lepcha Dictionary in 1996. Gangtok: Lyandok Kurmon, Gangtok, Sikkim.
5. Mainwaring G. B. 1876. A Grammer of the Lepcha (Rong) Lepcha Language as it exists in the Sikkim and Dorjiling Hills, Baptist Mission Press, Calcutta.
6. Mainwaring,G.B.1896. Dictionary of the Lepcha Language. Revised and completed by Albert Grunwedel. Berlin:Unger.
7.Sinha,P.1966. Descriptive Grammar of Lepcha. Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation.Pune:Deccan College.
8. K.P. Tamsang 1999. Lepcha Proverbs Kalimpong; Mani Printing Press.
9. K. P. Tamsang Lepcha Proverbs with English Equivalent-1998. Kalimpong; Mani Printing Press etc.
4.4. Elaboration of Function (range of use):
Broadly speaking, Lepcha is basically used in the intimate and home domain.
In West Bengal the language has no place in the Primary and Secondary education system of West Bengal.( On the other hand in Sikkim, Lepcha is taught as a subject matter in the Government schools up to undergraduate level).
It is only taught in the Lepcha Night Schools of Darjeeling district run by the sole initiative of The Indigenous Lepcha Tribal Association in the village levels upto XIIth standard. There are 40+ (forty plus) Lepcha Night Schools in the Darjeeling Hills.
4.5.Implementation of the language by the community:
i)Register and Style:
Register refers to language variation in the occupational lexical level with special reference to the context of situation.
Some registral variation is evident in the language. e.g., vocables used for medicinal plants, farming, insects etc.
Stylistic variation can be observed in case of poems and narrative writings.
4.6. Legal status of the Language
There is no officially declared status of Lepcha in West Bengal.
Lepcha speech community is considered to be a scheduled tribe pertaining to the state of West Bengal.
4.7. Development of the language:
The literary contributions are mostly done by the native speakers of the language. The literary efforts in the language has been enumerated below.
i) Translations works:
Some translation works are available. Translations are essentially from Tibetan, English, Bangla, and Hindi languages. Following translation works are available in the language.
1.‘Gitanjali’ from Bangla by P.T. Simick.
2.Buddhist scriptures from Tibetan
3. Gospel from English (First Bible published in Lepcha in 1845 from Baptist Mission Press)
4. New Testament from English
5. Hymn Books
6. Catechism
7. Old Testament
ii)Religious Writings :
Namtho Namthar, the indigenous Lepcha literary works attest nature worshipping as the traditional practice of the Lepcha people. These Namtho Namthars are available only with the Lepchas of Kalimpong, Darjeeling. Naamtho Naamthaar have also been translated into English but they remain unpublished. Lepcha Hymn books (religious songs: 200 songs approx.) were published from Baptist Mission Press.
iii)Ideological writings:
Articles on ideological writings are published in magazines by the Indigenous Lepcha Tribal Association.
iv)Categories of Literature
Literary works of various types like Narratives, Lyrics, Plays, Songs, Fictions and other non-narratives are available in the Lepcha language.
Some of the literary contributions have been mentioned in the following.
Narrative:
1. Mayel Pundor
2.Muk Jek Ding Rum Fat
3.Chyoo Rum Fat
4.Chyoo Zong etc
Lyrics:
1. Kayu Rong Vom Chyo
2. Rong Zyung Vom
3. Sakyoo Rum Faat Chyo
4. Chyoo, Da an Lep
5. Taarsyok kaat sagraam rongkup kati
6. Nyoo Thing Laom Fron etc
Drama:
1.Kingchum do Arepjong
2. Zer Fo Kup (collection of plays)
3. Nahan Bri
4. Rongnyoo Rongeet
5. Zer Kaomlenla Kursong Sarvo Rip Ryoo etc.
Songs:
1. Aamoo Ringdom Pyok lao Chaakaa (collection of songs)
2. Vom Panaol (A Gift of Songs)
3. Chhakdaong Panaol etc
4.8. Works on the Language:
Some of the works on the Lepcha language, literature and speech community that are worth mentioning are presented in the following:
1.Awasty,Indira.1978.Between Sikkim and Bhutan (the Lepchas and Bhutanese of Pedong)Delhi: B.R. Publishing Corporation.
2.Benedict,Paul K.1972.Sino-Tibetan:A Conspectus. Oxford: Oxford Univ. Press
3.Bhattacharya, A. 1989.Sikkim.New Delhi:National Book Trust India.
Campbell, A.1840. ‘Note on Lepchas of Sikkim’. JASB vol.IX: 379-393
4.Chakraborti,A. 1978. Read Lepcha (An introduction to the Lepcha or Rong Scripts Self instructor for reading the language) NewDelhi.
5.Chattopadhyay,T. 1946.Lepchas and their heritage. Delhi: B.R. Publishing.
6.Das,A.K.and Banerjee,S.1962. The Lepchas of Darjeeling district. Govt of West Bengal: Director of Tribal Welfare.
7.Das,A.K.1975. ‘The Lepchas in the eyes of earlier authors’. Bulletin of the Cultural Research Institute. Vol.XI,No.1&2:80-90.
8.Das,A.K.1978. The Lepchas of West Bengal. S.Dey for Editions Indian.
9. Dattamajumdar,S. 2009. ‘Reduplicated Expressives in Lepcha’ . Buckingham Journal of Language and Linguistics ,vol.2. No.2. 19-25.UK.
10.Dattamajumdar,S. 2009. ‘A Deterministic Study of the language Attitude of Lepcha.’ Journal of the Asiatic Society. Vol. L1,No.4. 13-28
11. Dattamajumdar, S. 2009. ‘Language Proficiency and Preference: A Case study with Lepcha’ in the Proceedings of The International Conference on World Languages and North-East Languages: Convergence, Enrichment or Death. NEHU: Shillong.
12.Debbarman,P.1992. ‘Education among the Lepchas of Darjeeling’. Bulletin of the Cultural Research Institute. Vol.XVIII,No.1&2:29-31
13.Foning,A.R.1972. ‘The Children of Kanchenjunga’.Bulletin of the Cultural Research Institute. Vol.IX,No.1&2:61-63.
14.Foning,A.R.1979. ‘A short account of the Lepcha Language’. Bulletin of the Cultural Research Institute. Vol.XIII,No.3&4:20-30.
15.Foning,A.R.1980. ‘Some customary laws of our Lepcha Tribe’. Bulletin of the Cultural Research Institute. Vol.XIV,No.1&2:17-21.
16.Foning, A.R. 1987. Lepcha, my vanishing tribe. New Delhi: Sterling
17.Gorer, G.1984.Lepchas of Sikkim. Delhi: Cultural Publishing House.
18.Grierson,G.A. 1908.Linguistic Survey of India.Vol.III, Pt.I.
19.Hermanns,Matthias. 1954.The Indo-Tibetans; The Indo-Tibetan &Mongoloid Problem in the Southern Himalaya and North –Northeast India. Bombay: K.L. Fernandes.
20.Kloss.A, Mahapatra,B.P, Padmanabha,P, MacConnell,G.D & Verma,V.S.(ed.) 1989. The Written Languages of the World: A Survey of the Degree and Modes of Use. Non- Constitutional Languages of India. Vol.II. India: Registrar General & Census Commissioner.
21.Mainwaring,G.B.1876. A Grammar of the Rong (Lepcha) language as it exists in the Dorjeeling and Sikkim Hills. Calcutta.
22.Mainwaring,G.B.1898. Dictionary of the Lepcha Language.Revised and completed by Albert Grunwedel.Berlin: Unger.
23.Mallick,B. & Chowdhuri, M.K. 1980. ‘Ngsaey – A Lepcha dominated village’. Bulletin of the Cultural Research Institute. Vol.XIV ,No.1&2: 93-95.
24.Morris,J. 1938.Living with Lepchas. London; Toronto, William Heinemann.
25.Neethivanan,J. 1967. ‘Notes on Investigation among the Lepchas’ Darjeeling District Census Handbook. West Bengal:Census of India 1961.
26.Risley,H.H.1894.The Gazetteer of Sikkim.Calcutta:Bengal Secretariat Press.Denmark:Copenhagen National Museum.
27.Plaisier,H. 2003. ‘Lepcha’. The Sino-Tibetan Languages.(Thurgood and Lapolla ed.)London & NewYork:Routledge.
28.Plaisier, H.2003. Catalogue of Lepcha Manuscripts in the Van Manen collection. Leiden: Kern Institute.
30. Plaisier,H. 2007. A Grammar of Lepcha. Leiden : Brill
31.Siiger,Halfdan. 1967. The Lepchas: Culture, religion of a Himalayan People,Pt.I &II.National Museum Ethnographic Series, Vol.II, Pt I. Copenhagen.
32.Sinha,P.1966. Descriptive Grammar of Lepcha. Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation.Pune:Deccan College.
33.Singh,K.S.(ed.)1993.People of India: Sikkim. Vol.XXXIX . Anthropological Survey of India. Calcutta: Seagull Books.
34.Sprigg,R.K. 1982. ‘The Lepcha language and Three Hundred Years of Tibetan Influence of Sikkim’. JASB.vol.XXIV.No.1-4;16-31.
35.Stocks,C.De Beauvoir.1925. ‘Folklore and Customs of the Lepchas of Sikkim’ JASB. Art.No. 23.New Series.vol.XXI:325-505
36.Tamsang, K.P.1978. A Grammar of the Lepcha Language (in Lepcha). Kalimpong: Mani Printing works.
37. Tamsang K. P. 1980, 2009. Lepcha English Encyclopeadic Dictionary. Kalimpong. Mani Priting Press.
38. Tamsang K. P. 1999. Lepcha Proverbs. Kalimpong. Mani Printing Press.
39. Tamsang, K.P. Unknown and Untold Reality about the Lepchas 1983,1998
40. Tamsang, K. P. Glossary of Lepcha Medicinal Plants, 2004.
41. Tamsang, Lyangsong, 2008. Lepcha Folklore and Folksongs, Sahitya Akademi.
42.Waddell,L.A.1898. ‘The Lepcha or Rong Language as illustrated in its songs’.JASBvol.LXVII(3):75-85.
4.9. Printed Oral Tradition:
The Lepcha language has a rich oral tradition. Efforts have been made essentially by the Indigenous Lepcha Tribal Association for publication of such indigenous knowledge of the speech community. Some important works are mentioned in the following.
1. Lepcha Myth by K.P. Tamsang 1996.
2. Lepcha Folklore by K.P. Tamsang 1997.
3. Rong Taom Sung by K. P. Tamsang (Lepcha moral Stories) 1999.
4. Rong Sung Gyom by K. P. Tamsang (Lepcha folk tales) 2004. etc.
5. Rong Sung Gyom (Lepcha folktales) by P. T. Simik 2002.
4.10.Periodicals:
Publication of the periodicals constitute an integral part of the contribution of the Indigenous Lepcha Tribal Association for the promotion of their mother tongue and indigenous culture. Some of such worthy publications are mentioned below.
1. Achuley (quaterley) published by The Indigenous Lepcha Tribal Association. Editor, Lyangsong Tamsang.
2. Pano Gaebo Achyok (annual) published by The Indigenous Lepcha Tribal Association. Editor, Lyangsong Tamsang.
3. Aathing K.P.Tamsang (annual) published by Pachaok Lepcha Village Association. Editor, Suksing Kongchhyen Lepcha, Kalimpong.
4. Zyer Fo Kup (annual) published by Ryon Lepcha Village Association, Kalimpong.
5. One handwritten magazine published from Mirik, Kurseong, has been reported.
4.11. Schools:
i)Government:
In West Bengal the Lepcha language has no place in the educational curriculum provided by West Bengal Board of Secondary Education.
It is only taught in the Lepcha Night Schools run by The Indigenous Lepcha Tribal Association in the village levels upto XIIth standard as a subject .
ii)Private / Religious Schools:
i) There are 40+ (forty plus) Lepcha Night Schools all over Darjeeling district established by The Indigenous Lepcha Tribal Association where Lepcha is taught formally to the Lepcha children along with English language from pre-primary to XII standard.
ii) There are no religious schools. Only Boongthing and Mun, the Lepcha priest and priestess of their traditional religion teach their disciples about their own practice in Lepcha language. All these are basically oral teachings and are considered to be the highest form of spoken variety of the language by the members of the speech community.
4.12. Text books written in the Language:
Text books in the Lepcha language are published with private effort of the Indigenous Lepcha Tribal Association to carry out the development of the language especially as a syllabus for the Lepcha Night Schools where Lepcha language is taught.
Some publications are mentioned in the following.
i)School Level:
1. Lazaong (Lepcha syllabic schemes)- K. P. Tamsang 1982, 2002,2008,2009
2. Lepcha Primer –I by G.T. Sitling Lepcha, 1929, 1957, 1971, 2002, 2006, 2009
3. Lepcha Primer – II by S.K. Taso Lepcha, 1949, 2002, 2009
4. Lepcha Primer- III by D.S. Lepcha, 2002.
5. Lepcha Primer –IV by D.S. Lepcha, 2002.
6. Lepcha Reader- V by D.S. Lepcha, 2007.
7. Lepcha Reader- VI by D.S. Lepcha, 2007.
8. Lepcha Reader- VII by D.S. Lepcha, 2007.
9. Lepcha Reader-VIII by D.S. Lepcha, 2007.
10. Lepcha Reader- IX by D.S. Lepcha, 2007.
11. Lepcha Reader- X by D.S. Lepcha,2007.
12. Lepcha Reader- XI by P.T. Lepcha, 2008.
13. Lepcha Reader- XII by P.T. Lepcha, 2008
4.13. Mass Media
i)Audio-visual media:
All India Radio, Kurseong broadcast Lepcha programme (only folk songs) twice a month. (Ten minutes only).
No regular programme has been reported to be broadcast from All India Radio, Kolkata
No regular programme is telecast in Lepcha .
ii)Print Media :
1.Calendar (lunar)is published in the Lepcha language by The Indigenous Lepcha Tribal Association, Kalimpong.
The other printed matters have already been mentioned in section 4.10
iii) Movies / Advertisements:
A number of documentaries are available in the Lepcha language. The subject matters of these documentaries are basically folk songs, rituals, customs, tradition etc. Following documentary films are worthy to be mentioned in this connection:
1. One documentary on Lepcha culture and livelihood has been prepared by Central Institute of Indian Languages, (MHRD) Mysore.
2. One documentary on the Pilgrimage to Dzongu ( Faokram Takram Lyang) by Kalimpong Lepchas.
3. One documentary on Lepcha New Year programme, Nambun, Namaal, Namsung has been done by Indigenous Lepcha Tribal Association, Kalimpong.
4. Films Division, Government of India, is currently shooting a documentry film on the Lepcha tribes, Aachuley!
Advertisements and Posters in the Lepcha language are prepared and circulated by the Indigenous Lepcha Tribal Association of Headquarters Kalimpong, Darjeeling .
1. Celebration of the birth anniversary of King Gaeboo Aachyok
2. Leaflets on Lepcha New Year.
3. Movement to save Dzongu (the Lepcha holy land in Sikkim) etc.
Rural and Health development departments do not produce posters and pamphlets in the Lepcha language.
Such activities are done in the Lepcha language by The Indigenous Lepcha Tribal Association.
4.14.Internal written communication:
i)Notices:
Notices like resolutions of The Lepcha Indigenous Tribal Association, pilgrimage to Dzongu, examination in night schools and various administrative instructions are done in Lepcha and circulated especially in the Lepcha villages in the Darjeeling Hills.
ii) Other Activities:
In West Bengal Lepcha language is not used in administration , legislation or in judiciary.
Lepchas as a tribal community has indigenous customary laws which are written in Lepcha are practised amongst the Lepchas.
In respect to trade and industry Lepcha is used as per the situation along with Bhotia, Hindi and Nepali. English is used marginally.
4.15. Effort for Promoting the language:
i) Agencies (Govt./ non-Govt.):
1.The Indigenous Lepcha Tribal Association (est.1925) is a non-govt. agency that takes initiative in promoting various literary, social, cultural activities all over Darjeeling district.
The Association has three tier system :
Central (Headquarters : Kalimpong)
Sub-Divisional
Village level and supported by
The Lepcha Youth Organisation
2. Preparation of documentary film on the Lepchas of Darjeeling, Bilingual dictionary, etc. are some of the initiatives taken up by the Central Institute of India Languages, Mysore (Ministry of Human Resource Development, Govt. Of India)
ii) Personalities Promoting Language and Culture:
1. Lyangsong Tamsang, Editor and President, Indigenous Lepcha Tribal Association, Headquarters, Kalimpong
2. P.T.Simik (Translator of ‘Geetanjali’ / author, Bhasa Saman)
3. Sonam Tshering Lepcha (Sangeet Natak Akademi Awardee/ Padmasree)
4. N.T.Lepcha (Lyricist, poet, dramatist, singer)
5. Hildamit Lepcha (Sangeet Natak Akademi Awardee)
6. Gautam Lepcha (Novelist, Poet)
7. Dup Shuzong Lepcha (Essayist and Text Book Writer)
8. Suksing Kongchhyen Lepcha (Dramatist, Poet and Editor)
9. O. T. Lepcha (Namtho-Namthar)
10. Palden Lepcha (Namtho-Namthar and Essayist)
11. O. T. Goulok Lepcha (Essayist)
12. Anthony Lepcha (Poet)
13. Ongden Lepcha (Essayist)
14. Pasang Tshering Lepcha (Lyricist)
15. Ten Tshering Lepcha and others (Essayist)
5.0. THE SCENARIO IN SIKKIM
Contrary to the above scenario regarding the status of the Lepcha language, Sikkim gets support from Governmental level that marks a radical difference in attitude of the members of the speech community.
Lepcha has been declared as one of the three official languages (along with Nepali and Bhotia) by the Sikkim Govt. vide notification dated October 17, 1977 . Lepcha has been considered as official language by the Govt. of Sikkim.
In the educational level Lepcha is taught as a subject in the Government schools up to undergraduate level. Series of text books in Lepcha are published from Government press, Govt. of Sikkim.
In Legislative activities mainly English and Hindi are used. Translation in Lepcha are of course done when required. There is provision for qualified Lepcha translators.
Rural and Health development departments have reported to produce posters and pamphlets in the Lepcha language.
Notices are available mainly in Lepcha section of Human Resource Development and in the organizational level in North Sikkim.
Sikkim Herald (Weekly newspaper) is published from Information and Public Relation Department , Goverment of Sikkim.
AIR, Gangtok broadcast Lepcha program me. Composite programme in the Lepcha language is broadcast everyday from 4.30 to 5.00 P.M. This consists of three or four folksongs, talk on Lepcha social or environmental affairs. At 6.45 P.M regional news in Lepcha is also broadcast.
Some years back local cable stations used to telecast news in Lepcha. But at present Nayuma cable TV centre, Gangtok telecast small albums at times.
Effort for promoting the language has been taken up both by the governmental and non-governmental agencies like——
1. Sikkim Academy(Govt.) for the development of State Language (for the development of Lepcha language) under Culture and Heritage Department.
2. Sikkim Lepcha Literary Organization, Gangtok (NGO) for the development of the literature of the language.
3. Laom Aal Shezum , North Sikkim.
4. Rong Ong Shezum (Youth Association, Gangtok)
6.0. ANALYSING THE STATE OF AFFAIR
Historically viewing, Lepcha, once an official language of Darjeeling hills, was in extensive use in Darjeeling area till the end of 19th Century. When Dr. Campbell took charge of the administration in Darjeeling, Lepcha language received a back foot and started to be considered as the language of the aboriginal people who are socially and culturally backward. Foning (1987:160. Lepcha, my vanishing tribe. New Delhi: Sterling) rightly puts it as, “ The government language report gave unfavourable findings. This was the result of a politically motivated action on the part of the British government.” As a consequence, black and white communication came to be considered as an occasional phenomenon of the present –day Lepcha society in spite of having a developed literary history.
The socio-political dominance of the Nepali language that started from the end of 19th Century, can be traced to be the major socio-political factor , that exerts immense pressure on this minority language. Inspite of the fact that Nepali is an Indo-Aryan language and that Lepcha , a Tibeto-Burman language that had a developed tradition, the huge continual migration of Nepali population that was encouraged by the then British administration influenced every aspect of social life in the hills of Darjeeling. Therefore Foning (ibid:296) aptly observes, “Both in the urban and the rural areas, the Nepali language has virtually become the ‘Lingua Franca’ for the people of different ethnic groups that one finds in the regions.”
The enquiry regarding the status of Lepcha language in the curriculum of West Bengal Board reveals that, Lepcha language has not been incorporated in the curriculum of primary and secondary education. Neither as a medium of instruction nor as a subject, Lepcha finds its place in the education system of West Bengal (Ref: Syllabi published in 1984 and revised in 2006). Therefore depriving the formal cultivation of reading and writing skills in Lepcha, the mother tongue, for the present generation. On the other hand Nepali being a link language is found to exert immense pressure especially being one of the languages (taught in school) taught in West Bengal education curriculum.
Not only Nepali, the promotion of Hindi in the government level — both at the centre and state government levels is also replacing Lepcha language in different domains of social life. The exposure of Hindi through audio-visual media is found to have penetrated even in the remote villages of Darjeeling district.
English language being one of the associate official language of the country is considered instrumental to future economic opportunities for the younger generation. The formal education provided by the missionary schools that came into vogue from nineteenth century naturally enhances the use of the English language.
7.0. SUGGESTIVE MEASURES
The above situation reveals the fact that in spite of being a language with developed literary tradition and a good deal of effort by the Indigenous Lepcha Tribal Association (especially in the matter of teaching Lepcha language through the night schools and publishing text books for different classes), the language is yet to get a place in the West Bengal state educational system. Field investigation reveals, the qualified people of Darjeeling District having expertise to teach Lepcha language has to migrate to Gangtok, Sikkim for seeking relevant job.
The effort in the Governmental level of West Bengal for incorporation of the Lepcha language, (the mother tongue of the autochthones of the land) in the board of Primary/Secondary/Higher Secondary Education would have helped in uplifting the ‘Right to education in mother tongue’ and in eradicating the sense of marginalization /identity crisis of the speech community. Such a policy on the part of the government is likely to uphold justice for the Lepcha speech community which is socio-politically significant for the present –day Darjeeling hills.
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